The All India Students' Association (AISA), the Revolutionary Youth Association (RYA), the All India Progressive Women's Organisation (AIPWA), the Jan Sanskriti Manch (JSM), the People's Union for Human Rights (PUHR), the CPI(ML) Liberation, and other human rights groups and social organizations based in Azamgarh have decided to organize a People’s Convention for Democracy and against Anyi-Muslim Witch-hunt at Azamgarh on Sunday, October 19, 2008.
The following is the text of a statement issued by them:
Azamgarh, specifically the Muslim community of Azamgarh, has been turned into a byword for 'terrorism' by the state machinery. Even before the Delhi serial blasts and their aftermath, Muslim youth from Azamgarh were being arbitrarily jailed and tortured as 'masterminds' of serial blasts in Uttar Pradesh, without a shred of evidence. Lawyers taking up the cases of such accused young men were beaten up by Sangh Parivar supporters in court premises in UP. At the same time, evidence of involvement of members of Sangh Parivar outfits (at many places in UP as well as in other States) has been wilfully suppressed or ignored by investigative agencies.
Now, after the Delhi blasts, the investigative machinery, aided by large sections of the media, has intensified its targeting of Azamgarh. The minorities of Azamgarh are living in terror, in an atmosphere of sharpened communal polarization and open instigation by communal forces in the region.
Many democratic voices have come forward to challenge the communal common-sense peddled in the name of anti-terrorism. Lawyers, human rights activists, university teachers, and student and youth groups have reached out to the people of Jamia Nagar and Azamgarh, have demanded a judicial enquiry into the Jamia Nagar encounter, and are waging a struggle for fair trial for all those accused of abetting or perpetrating terror.
Meanwhile, even as Manmohan Singh, choking with emotion, sealed the Nuke Deal with the US and declared eternal 'love' (on behalf of 'all of India') for President Bush, bombs explode at regular intervals all over urban India to warn us that we are fast turning into a typical outpost of the US 'empire of terror,' much like our neighbour Pakistan.
The BJP has renewed its clamour for re-enactment of POTA and the Congress, while uncertain about the return of POTA, has promised 'tougher' anti-terror laws. Even beyond the domain of legislation, the competitive anti-terrorist rhetoric of the Congress and the BJP continues to fuel anti-Muslim prejudices across the country. The Sangh brigade is using this environment to the hilt to refuel its communal fascist agenda and anti-minority campaign. The Sangh's campaign of anti-Christian violence has already spread from Orissa to Chhattisgarh and Karnataka, and in U, Sangh outfits are working overtime to whip up anti-Muslim communal frenzy.
In the name of tackling terrorism, the US has imposed a global war on the world. Similarly, in India, the Sangh brigade has been using anti-terrorist rhetoric to intensify its campaign of communal fascist violence. Nothing could pose a bigger threat to India than a combination or convergence of these two ominous trends under the patronage of the state and the ruling classes.
We invite you to stand in solidarity with the people of Azamgarh, send out a strong message that 'Not Azamgarh but America is the 'mastermind' of terrorism,' and defend democracy and people's rights by joining a People's Convention at Azamgarh on October 19 2008.
For more information, the following persons may be contacted:
Kavita Krishnan at kavitakrish73@gmail.com, Phones: 09868112252, 01122481067
K K Pande, kkjanmat@gmail.com, Phone: 09415366520
Showing posts with label UP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UP. Show all posts
09 October, 2008
28 April, 2008
Peoples' Tribunal on Custodial Torture in Varanasi
Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi, Convener, Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights, Varanasi, writes:
Dear friends,
The Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) carried out a study and documentation of more than 800 cases of police torture in six districts of Uttar Pradesh as part of the National Project of Preventing Torture in India being conducted under the auspices of People’s Watch. Several interventions were made in various Courts and Commissions regarding these cases.
From 1996, the PVCHR has been voicing its concern against custodial torture. This campaign that started with the releasing of a poster against torture has documented cases and intervened in these cases with an intention to apply pressure upon the Government of India to ratify the UN Convention against Torture AND also to bring relief to the victims.
About 50 organizations in UP were included in this process. An additional mission of this project was to pressure the Members of Legislative Assemblies and the Members of Parliament for ratification of UN Convention against Torture. In connection with this campaign, a peoples' tribunal is being organized on April 28 and 29, 2008 at Varanasi.
The national project was implemented in 47 districts in nine States of India. In UP, the PVCHR is implementing the project in six districts -- Varanasi, Chandauli, Jaunpur, Allahabad, Sonbhadra and Mirzapur. The project also focuses on organizing the local people to voice their concern against police torture and, in the process, to develop Pindra as a model taluk in the State.
In the past two years 3,987 cases of police firing, custodial rape, police baton charge and fake encounters were documented from 47 districts in India by the national project. Interventions were sought in 4,756 cases, including cases that were not covered directly by the project. In this year, the third year of the project, effective group advocacy against torture is going on.
In addition to police brutality the issues in the judicial system in India like the delay in court process also perpetuates torture. This mostly affects the marginalized communities, particularly the members of the ‘lower’ caste. Most cases in the past were not highlighted due to fear and the caste-based discrimination practised in the Indian society.
The project has organized 197 awareness programmes in the country. The PVCHR is also organizing regular Folk Schools and Human Rights Street Movements in UP to encourage victims of custodial torture to speak up and stand for their rights so as to live with dignity.
During the tribunal, details of 73 cases of custodial torture will be released. It is expected that the tribunal will be an additional platform for the victims to present their cases before the public. The victims and the witnesses will be encouraged to present their testimonies during the two days.
The tribunal will be chaired by Justice R. B. Malhotra, former judge of Allahabad High Court. Shankar Sen, former Director General, National Human Rights Commission, Ashok Chakravarti, former Senior Director, NHRC, Ms. T.K Rajalakshmi, Senior Assistant Editor, Frontline, John Dayal, Chairperson, All India Catholic Union and Member, National Integration Council, Chitranjan Singh, National Secretary, Peoples' Union for Civil Liberties, K. K. Rai, Senior Advocate, Ram Ashray Singh, Secretary General, PUCL, Bihar, Vikas Maharaj, Sarod maestro and human rights activist, Darapuri, a former IPS officer and Dalit human rights activist, and Ms. Sandhya, Convener, Mahila Adhikar Manch.
Dear friends,
The Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) carried out a study and documentation of more than 800 cases of police torture in six districts of Uttar Pradesh as part of the National Project of Preventing Torture in India being conducted under the auspices of People’s Watch. Several interventions were made in various Courts and Commissions regarding these cases.
From 1996, the PVCHR has been voicing its concern against custodial torture. This campaign that started with the releasing of a poster against torture has documented cases and intervened in these cases with an intention to apply pressure upon the Government of India to ratify the UN Convention against Torture AND also to bring relief to the victims.
About 50 organizations in UP were included in this process. An additional mission of this project was to pressure the Members of Legislative Assemblies and the Members of Parliament for ratification of UN Convention against Torture. In connection with this campaign, a peoples' tribunal is being organized on April 28 and 29, 2008 at Varanasi.
The national project was implemented in 47 districts in nine States of India. In UP, the PVCHR is implementing the project in six districts -- Varanasi, Chandauli, Jaunpur, Allahabad, Sonbhadra and Mirzapur. The project also focuses on organizing the local people to voice their concern against police torture and, in the process, to develop Pindra as a model taluk in the State.
In the past two years 3,987 cases of police firing, custodial rape, police baton charge and fake encounters were documented from 47 districts in India by the national project. Interventions were sought in 4,756 cases, including cases that were not covered directly by the project. In this year, the third year of the project, effective group advocacy against torture is going on.
In addition to police brutality the issues in the judicial system in India like the delay in court process also perpetuates torture. This mostly affects the marginalized communities, particularly the members of the ‘lower’ caste. Most cases in the past were not highlighted due to fear and the caste-based discrimination practised in the Indian society.
The project has organized 197 awareness programmes in the country. The PVCHR is also organizing regular Folk Schools and Human Rights Street Movements in UP to encourage victims of custodial torture to speak up and stand for their rights so as to live with dignity.
During the tribunal, details of 73 cases of custodial torture will be released. It is expected that the tribunal will be an additional platform for the victims to present their cases before the public. The victims and the witnesses will be encouraged to present their testimonies during the two days.
The tribunal will be chaired by Justice R. B. Malhotra, former judge of Allahabad High Court. Shankar Sen, former Director General, National Human Rights Commission, Ashok Chakravarti, former Senior Director, NHRC, Ms. T.K Rajalakshmi, Senior Assistant Editor, Frontline, John Dayal, Chairperson, All India Catholic Union and Member, National Integration Council, Chitranjan Singh, National Secretary, Peoples' Union for Civil Liberties, K. K. Rai, Senior Advocate, Ram Ashray Singh, Secretary General, PUCL, Bihar, Vikas Maharaj, Sarod maestro and human rights activist, Darapuri, a former IPS officer and Dalit human rights activist, and Ms. Sandhya, Convener, Mahila Adhikar Manch.
02 April, 2008
Portrait of a three-caste village in Uttar Pradesh
Below is the first part of a papertitled “Village structures perpetuate caste system”, written by Bhagat, edited by Sister Mariola and distributed by the Asian Human Rights Commission.
No Indian can imagine “India without the caste system”. Is it possible to have an Indian society without caste system and other social evils? In northern India, it is alarming to notice strong in-built age-old practices that ensure the caste system not only survives but thrives.
Land distribution and related traditions significantly contribute towards this social evil. Every village functions on a set pattern, namely:
Every village is comprised of settlements which are strictly caste-based. The upper castes, namely ‘thakurs’ of the kshatriya (warrior) caste and ‘brahmins’ (priest) caste, enjoy ownership of land, orchards and ponds Persons belonging to the thakur, brahmin and sometime of vaishaya (merchant) castes, are generally educated and therefore most dominating in Indian society.
Most of the officers in government offices belong to the upper castes.
This structured village system is the biggest hurdle in educational opportunities for dalit children. Lack of education and rampant illiteracy among dalits cements the servile status of the dalits vis-a- vis the upper castes. Hence, the upper castes do everything within their power to prevent dalits from getting educated.
The upper caste children are indoctrinated in such a way that they consider it a virtue to engage the services of dalits in their fields, orchards and homes. They are made to believe that Dalit women exist meant solely for their pleasure and entertainment.
The village economy is based on the agricultural produce and almost all land belongs to the upper castes.
The roots of the caste system run deep and can be compared to a Banyan Tree. It is well structured and properly demarked and though based on descent and occupation, is practically a class-structure. In order to justify their misdeeds and greed, the upper caste has developed the theory of ‘varnashram’, which later evolved into the caste system. They popularized this theory claiming it had divine origin.
Prevailing rituals, practices, economy and family structure in a village:
Uttar Pradesh of India has 97942 villages. 80% of its population lives in villages. 85% of those who live in the villages are Hindus. 60% of these Hindus are kshatriyas and brahmins (upper castes). A closer look at one village will help us understand other villages and villagers of Uttar Pradesh.
Bhupiyamau is a village in Pratapgarh district of Uttar Pradesh. It is situated at the intersection of the National and State highway and merely 5 kilometers away from the district headquarters.
1. Total Population 2152
2. Total Male Population 1107
3. Total Female Population 1045
4. Total Scheduled Caste Population 470
5. Total Scheduled Caste Males 240
6. Total Scheduled Caste Females 230
This village is inhabited by only three communities, namely brahmins, kshatriyas and scheduled castes. There is no presence of other backward classes in this village. Let us see the land ownership pattern in this village.
The area of the village is 215.1 hectares. The total irrigated area is 180 hectares whereas 15 hectares is un-irrigated. The entire 195 hectares is owned by kshatriyas and brahmins. None of the Scheduled Caste (SC) owns any piece of land for agriculture. The SC occupies land on which their house stands. This is either provided or leased to them by a Kshatriya.
At harvest time, the SC is subjected to ill-treatment by the kshatriyas. This is because by and large kshatriyas compete with each other to have their crops harvested as early as possible. The entire harvesting is done by the SC who has to ensure the good pleasure of the Kshatriya.
That is why Kshatriyas pressurize them by beating and abusing them so as to get their crop harvested first. SC women are often victims of such violent assault. They are often paid in kind - food grain, rather than cash. Women have to work late night; which is hazardous, as they are molested and even raped by the land owner who, on the pretext of watching over the crops, generally sleeps in the thatched enclosure near the tubewell.
A close look at the geographical map and habitat of the village clearly reveals that the Brahmin settlement is strategically placed at the main entrance to the village on either side. A number of schools are found in the vicinity of the Brahmin settlement. The adjoining area is occupied by Kshatriyas followed by agricultural fields. The scheduled caste makes their abode in and around these fields. Therefore, they have no access to pasturelands to graze their cattle. They have no entitlement to the burial ground either, despite the fact that they are also Hindus. Hindus traditionally cremate their dead near the bank of a river. However, the lower castes are compelled to bury their dead due to sheer poverty and inaccessibility to village commons. Since there is no graveyard in the village, they sometimes leave the mortal remains in the river or cremate it on the river bank. Brahmins and Kshatriyas have their habitats close to the orchards and pasture lands; hen
This is how Bhagat, a thakur, recounts his childhood experience: “When I was young, I shouldered the responsibility of managing the agricultural fields and harvesting the crop. I was barely 14 years old then. It was the summer season, and the month of June to be precise. The monsoons threatened to destroy the crop; hence I was anxious to harvest the crops. I approached the Dalit settlement many times to hire labourers, but with no success. They gave me false hope, saying they would come the next day, but they never turned up. I noticed that those who promised me they would come, were often working in the neighboring field. One evening, as I sat dejected outside my house, my father enquired as to what the matter was, and why the labourers had not come to harvest the field.
"I simply said, “They are working in our neighbor’s field.” He laughed and said, “You are worthless boy; you will never be a successful man. I have some advice for you, take it or leave it. Get your hockey stick or any other stick, and be prepared to use abusive language. As soon as you reach the settlement of the scheduled caste, beat up whomever you meet first. Then warn them, saying that if they fail to come to our field the following morning, you would meet them again along with your father. I did what I was told and to my surprise the labourers actually came to my field the following morning. When I returned home that evening, having harvested the crop, my grand-mother said, “Son, ‘Dhol, ganwaar, shoodra, pashu naari, ye sab taadan ke adhikaari” (the drum, the uneducated, the dalit, the animal and woman deserve to be beaten) says our sacred book.” “Thereafter, I successfully harves
“Annually, we are expected to offer certain ritualistic prayers in every season and for every crop. Formerly, my father performed these rituals as it was his birthright to do so, he being the only son of his parents. Therefore, when I was a teenager, my father was anxious to share some of his responsibilities with me like, agricultural work and related rituals, attending social ceremonies in our village and other villages as well.”
“I noticed that the other youth in my village were more carefree, they did not seem to have responsibilities like I did. That is probably why I suffered from an identity crisis. Sometimes I felt superior, at other times inferior to them.”
“Once there was a cricket tournament in my village. I wanted to participate but on the same day I was asked to perform a ritual in the sugarcane field for a good crop. I refused and asked why my younger brother could not do it instead of me. Before I could even complete the sentence, I was slapped. I awaited the arrival of our family priest on an empty stomach till noon that day. Together, we went to the field for the ritual prayer. Hungry as I was, I requested him to hasten the prayer. The priest was annoyed and abused me, saying that I should remain quiet and not disturb him during prayer. After the prayer, we went home together. The priest was expected to cook for him and for me. I lost my patience. I took a cane from the field, hit him on his read and ran away.”
“He complained about me to my family. When I returned that evening my grandmother said, “What the hell did you do?” You will go to hell for hitting the Brahmin (priest) on his head. We have great for the brahmins. I will go and call him. Only if he pardons you, will you enter the main gate. Finally, the priest came and forgave me. The priest said, “For the first time, in my life, a thakur’s son abused me and beat me. This time I pardon you. But take care. If it ever happens again, you may be afflicted by leprosy.”
Three cup practices at home
“Like most other ‘thakur’ households, we have the “three cups practice” – one cup is kept for the use of a dalit, another for the family, and the third for my use. I was the only non-vegetarian in my family. That is why I was not permitted to cook and eat in our kitchen. I bought some utensils and started cooking non vegetarian food outside the house, where husk and other fodder was stored for our cows and buffaloes.”
“Some old and broken utensils meant for the use of dalits were also there. When ever any dalit visited us, she or he was served in those utensils. One day by mistake a dalit lady used my glass to drink tea. My grand mother saw this but did not say anything. When I came back, she told me that one of my glasses was used by a dalit lady. She instructed me to stow away my utensils in a bag, lest they be misused.”
“She gave me an old glass from the kitchen and asked me to keep it for my use. She told me to put back my glass with the other utensils.
I was very disappointed by this state of affairs. I told my grandma that if she considered me a dalit, then why she was trying to segregate me from other dalits. She said, “You are not yet a Thakur. You will become a full-fledged thakur only after the ritual ‘upnayan sanskaar’. Once that is done, you are forbidden to eat non-vegetarian food. You still have time to enjoy a life, before you start living a disciplined life as a true thakur. Whenever I cooked non vegetarian food I was debarred from access to any other food that was prepared in the kitchen at home. The following day, I was permitted to get food from the kitchen only after I had bathed and performed other ablutions. However, I was not allowed to use my grandmother’s utensils, as she was considered ritually clean, as she prayed daily. Others in the family only prayed occasionally. I had to avoid non-vegetarian food for a couple of days before engaging in ritualistic prayer.&rdq
“When my sister got married, she was only vegetarian among her in-laws. When her in-laws visited us, I was very happy to have them join me in enjoying non-vegetarian food. One day my grandma tried to convince my sister to persuade her in-laws to quit non-vegetarian food. She replied very innocently, “When our God and Goddess accept offerings of non-vegetarian food, how can I coax my in-laws to give up that. Today, my nephew is also a non-vegetarian, but my sister has no objection. She also cooks non-vegetarian food for her husband and son. When I ponder on what happens in these two families, I realize that in a thakur’s household, women and children have no choice concerning their food. They are ‘dalits’ – ostracized within their own family.”
“My first experience of drinking liquor:My grandfather was very fond of drinking liquor. Every evening he enjoyed drinking either with his friends or by himself. One day, I broached him with a question during one of his drinking bouts. “What are you drinking?” I asked. He replied, “It is ‘som ras’ – nectar.”“I said, “Let me also taste this nectar.” He gave me a little bit of the drink. And, repeated the same the following day. Just then my mother saw my grand father serving me liquor. She was furious. She refused to serve dinner to me and my grandfather. I screamed, demanding why she excluded me from dinner. Just then my father intervened and asked my mother what the matter was. She gave him a detailed explanation, justifying her action.”
“At this, my father started abusing my mother, asking how she dared to check his father and son. He ordered her to serve food to my grandfather. Thereafter, my grand-father started avoiding me, as he felt guilty. Gradually, he gave up drinking. One day, he pleaded with my mother to forget the past and forgive him. He said he had stopped drinking and that she ought not to worry about her son. It was for first time that I saw tears in my grandfather’s eyes. When my father got to know about this, he rebuked my grandfather saying, “Why did you have to apologize to my wife? If you act in this manner, she will start controlling us.
My grandfather replied, ‘Look son, this has nothing to do with you or me. This concerns our innocent child. That is why you have to be aware of this. But my father said he disagreed with his advice. He said he knew how to manage his family.”
To be continued…
# # #
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
No Indian can imagine “India without the caste system”. Is it possible to have an Indian society without caste system and other social evils? In northern India, it is alarming to notice strong in-built age-old practices that ensure the caste system not only survives but thrives.
Land distribution and related traditions significantly contribute towards this social evil. Every village functions on a set pattern, namely:
Every village is comprised of settlements which are strictly caste-based. The upper castes, namely ‘thakurs’ of the kshatriya (warrior) caste and ‘brahmins’ (priest) caste, enjoy ownership of land, orchards and ponds Persons belonging to the thakur, brahmin and sometime of vaishaya (merchant) castes, are generally educated and therefore most dominating in Indian society.
Most of the officers in government offices belong to the upper castes.
This structured village system is the biggest hurdle in educational opportunities for dalit children. Lack of education and rampant illiteracy among dalits cements the servile status of the dalits vis-a- vis the upper castes. Hence, the upper castes do everything within their power to prevent dalits from getting educated.
The upper caste children are indoctrinated in such a way that they consider it a virtue to engage the services of dalits in their fields, orchards and homes. They are made to believe that Dalit women exist meant solely for their pleasure and entertainment.
The village economy is based on the agricultural produce and almost all land belongs to the upper castes.
The roots of the caste system run deep and can be compared to a Banyan Tree. It is well structured and properly demarked and though based on descent and occupation, is practically a class-structure. In order to justify their misdeeds and greed, the upper caste has developed the theory of ‘varnashram’, which later evolved into the caste system. They popularized this theory claiming it had divine origin.
Prevailing rituals, practices, economy and family structure in a village:
Uttar Pradesh of India has 97942 villages. 80% of its population lives in villages. 85% of those who live in the villages are Hindus. 60% of these Hindus are kshatriyas and brahmins (upper castes). A closer look at one village will help us understand other villages and villagers of Uttar Pradesh.
Bhupiyamau is a village in Pratapgarh district of Uttar Pradesh. It is situated at the intersection of the National and State highway and merely 5 kilometers away from the district headquarters.
1. Total Population 2152
2. Total Male Population 1107
3. Total Female Population 1045
4. Total Scheduled Caste Population 470
5. Total Scheduled Caste Males 240
6. Total Scheduled Caste Females 230
This village is inhabited by only three communities, namely brahmins, kshatriyas and scheduled castes. There is no presence of other backward classes in this village. Let us see the land ownership pattern in this village.
The area of the village is 215.1 hectares. The total irrigated area is 180 hectares whereas 15 hectares is un-irrigated. The entire 195 hectares is owned by kshatriyas and brahmins. None of the Scheduled Caste (SC) owns any piece of land for agriculture. The SC occupies land on which their house stands. This is either provided or leased to them by a Kshatriya.
At harvest time, the SC is subjected to ill-treatment by the kshatriyas. This is because by and large kshatriyas compete with each other to have their crops harvested as early as possible. The entire harvesting is done by the SC who has to ensure the good pleasure of the Kshatriya.
That is why Kshatriyas pressurize them by beating and abusing them so as to get their crop harvested first. SC women are often victims of such violent assault. They are often paid in kind - food grain, rather than cash. Women have to work late night; which is hazardous, as they are molested and even raped by the land owner who, on the pretext of watching over the crops, generally sleeps in the thatched enclosure near the tubewell.
A close look at the geographical map and habitat of the village clearly reveals that the Brahmin settlement is strategically placed at the main entrance to the village on either side. A number of schools are found in the vicinity of the Brahmin settlement. The adjoining area is occupied by Kshatriyas followed by agricultural fields. The scheduled caste makes their abode in and around these fields. Therefore, they have no access to pasturelands to graze their cattle. They have no entitlement to the burial ground either, despite the fact that they are also Hindus. Hindus traditionally cremate their dead near the bank of a river. However, the lower castes are compelled to bury their dead due to sheer poverty and inaccessibility to village commons. Since there is no graveyard in the village, they sometimes leave the mortal remains in the river or cremate it on the river bank. Brahmins and Kshatriyas have their habitats close to the orchards and pasture lands; hen
This is how Bhagat, a thakur, recounts his childhood experience: “When I was young, I shouldered the responsibility of managing the agricultural fields and harvesting the crop. I was barely 14 years old then. It was the summer season, and the month of June to be precise. The monsoons threatened to destroy the crop; hence I was anxious to harvest the crops. I approached the Dalit settlement many times to hire labourers, but with no success. They gave me false hope, saying they would come the next day, but they never turned up. I noticed that those who promised me they would come, were often working in the neighboring field. One evening, as I sat dejected outside my house, my father enquired as to what the matter was, and why the labourers had not come to harvest the field.
"I simply said, “They are working in our neighbor’s field.” He laughed and said, “You are worthless boy; you will never be a successful man. I have some advice for you, take it or leave it. Get your hockey stick or any other stick, and be prepared to use abusive language. As soon as you reach the settlement of the scheduled caste, beat up whomever you meet first. Then warn them, saying that if they fail to come to our field the following morning, you would meet them again along with your father. I did what I was told and to my surprise the labourers actually came to my field the following morning. When I returned home that evening, having harvested the crop, my grand-mother said, “Son, ‘Dhol, ganwaar, shoodra, pashu naari, ye sab taadan ke adhikaari” (the drum, the uneducated, the dalit, the animal and woman deserve to be beaten) says our sacred book.” “Thereafter, I successfully harves
“Annually, we are expected to offer certain ritualistic prayers in every season and for every crop. Formerly, my father performed these rituals as it was his birthright to do so, he being the only son of his parents. Therefore, when I was a teenager, my father was anxious to share some of his responsibilities with me like, agricultural work and related rituals, attending social ceremonies in our village and other villages as well.”
“I noticed that the other youth in my village were more carefree, they did not seem to have responsibilities like I did. That is probably why I suffered from an identity crisis. Sometimes I felt superior, at other times inferior to them.”
“Once there was a cricket tournament in my village. I wanted to participate but on the same day I was asked to perform a ritual in the sugarcane field for a good crop. I refused and asked why my younger brother could not do it instead of me. Before I could even complete the sentence, I was slapped. I awaited the arrival of our family priest on an empty stomach till noon that day. Together, we went to the field for the ritual prayer. Hungry as I was, I requested him to hasten the prayer. The priest was annoyed and abused me, saying that I should remain quiet and not disturb him during prayer. After the prayer, we went home together. The priest was expected to cook for him and for me. I lost my patience. I took a cane from the field, hit him on his read and ran away.”
“He complained about me to my family. When I returned that evening my grandmother said, “What the hell did you do?” You will go to hell for hitting the Brahmin (priest) on his head. We have great for the brahmins. I will go and call him. Only if he pardons you, will you enter the main gate. Finally, the priest came and forgave me. The priest said, “For the first time, in my life, a thakur’s son abused me and beat me. This time I pardon you. But take care. If it ever happens again, you may be afflicted by leprosy.”
Three cup practices at home
“Like most other ‘thakur’ households, we have the “three cups practice” – one cup is kept for the use of a dalit, another for the family, and the third for my use. I was the only non-vegetarian in my family. That is why I was not permitted to cook and eat in our kitchen. I bought some utensils and started cooking non vegetarian food outside the house, where husk and other fodder was stored for our cows and buffaloes.”
“Some old and broken utensils meant for the use of dalits were also there. When ever any dalit visited us, she or he was served in those utensils. One day by mistake a dalit lady used my glass to drink tea. My grand mother saw this but did not say anything. When I came back, she told me that one of my glasses was used by a dalit lady. She instructed me to stow away my utensils in a bag, lest they be misused.”
“She gave me an old glass from the kitchen and asked me to keep it for my use. She told me to put back my glass with the other utensils.
I was very disappointed by this state of affairs. I told my grandma that if she considered me a dalit, then why she was trying to segregate me from other dalits. She said, “You are not yet a Thakur. You will become a full-fledged thakur only after the ritual ‘upnayan sanskaar’. Once that is done, you are forbidden to eat non-vegetarian food. You still have time to enjoy a life, before you start living a disciplined life as a true thakur. Whenever I cooked non vegetarian food I was debarred from access to any other food that was prepared in the kitchen at home. The following day, I was permitted to get food from the kitchen only after I had bathed and performed other ablutions. However, I was not allowed to use my grandmother’s utensils, as she was considered ritually clean, as she prayed daily. Others in the family only prayed occasionally. I had to avoid non-vegetarian food for a couple of days before engaging in ritualistic prayer.&rdq
“When my sister got married, she was only vegetarian among her in-laws. When her in-laws visited us, I was very happy to have them join me in enjoying non-vegetarian food. One day my grandma tried to convince my sister to persuade her in-laws to quit non-vegetarian food. She replied very innocently, “When our God and Goddess accept offerings of non-vegetarian food, how can I coax my in-laws to give up that. Today, my nephew is also a non-vegetarian, but my sister has no objection. She also cooks non-vegetarian food for her husband and son. When I ponder on what happens in these two families, I realize that in a thakur’s household, women and children have no choice concerning their food. They are ‘dalits’ – ostracized within their own family.”
“My first experience of drinking liquor:My grandfather was very fond of drinking liquor. Every evening he enjoyed drinking either with his friends or by himself. One day, I broached him with a question during one of his drinking bouts. “What are you drinking?” I asked. He replied, “It is ‘som ras’ – nectar.”“I said, “Let me also taste this nectar.” He gave me a little bit of the drink. And, repeated the same the following day. Just then my mother saw my grand father serving me liquor. She was furious. She refused to serve dinner to me and my grandfather. I screamed, demanding why she excluded me from dinner. Just then my father intervened and asked my mother what the matter was. She gave him a detailed explanation, justifying her action.”
“At this, my father started abusing my mother, asking how she dared to check his father and son. He ordered her to serve food to my grandfather. Thereafter, my grand-father started avoiding me, as he felt guilty. Gradually, he gave up drinking. One day, he pleaded with my mother to forget the past and forgive him. He said he had stopped drinking and that she ought not to worry about her son. It was for first time that I saw tears in my grandfather’s eyes. When my father got to know about this, he rebuked my grandfather saying, “Why did you have to apologize to my wife? If you act in this manner, she will start controlling us.
My grandfather replied, ‘Look son, this has nothing to do with you or me. This concerns our innocent child. That is why you have to be aware of this. But my father said he disagreed with his advice. He said he knew how to manage his family.”
To be continued…
# # #
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)