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Showing posts with label P N Bhagwati. Show all posts
Showing posts with label P N Bhagwati. Show all posts

14 February, 2017

A chilling message to litigants

BRP Bhaskar

The Supreme Court sent a chilling message to public interest litigants last week by imposing fines on two persons for filing frivolous petitions and asking a third one to establish his bona fides or face similar action.

Ravindra Singh, a member of the Bihar Assembly, had approached the apex court with a petition questioning the veracity of an article published in a Hindi publication in the 1990’s after being turned down by the Patna High Court. It threw out the petition and asked him to pay a fine of Rs 1 million.

Chief Justice JS Khehar who pronounced the judgment apparently took into account the fact that Ravindra Singh had declared assets of more than Rs 9.34 million when he filed nomination papers in the 2015 Assembly election.

Justice Khehar imposed a smaller fine on a retired teacher from Maharashtra who had challenged a Gujarat government circular on reservation in school jobs. A car mechanic of Madurai, who filed a petition about a hospital in Thanjavur building an additional floor, was told to establish his locus standi in the matter at the next hearing to avoid penal costs.

“Every day we waste precious judicial time by going through voluminous frivolous petitions. These busybodies must be stopped,” the Chef Justice said.

The Supreme Court has on its roster about 61,000 pending cases and Justice Khehar is keen to bring the number down. Elimination of frivolous petitions will surely help to achieve the goal. But the court must take care not to scare away those who approach it genuinely concerned about a bad situation.

Under the system left behind by the British, only an aggrieved person had the right to approach the courts for a legal remedy. This limitation was overcome four decades ago when the Supreme Court allowed Kapila Hingorani, a lawyer, to take up the case of Hussaianara Khatoon and other undertrial prisoners rotting in jails in Bihar. Her effort resulted in the release of not only Hussaianara Khatoon but about 40,000 undertrial prisoners across the country, and a grateful society hailed her as the Mother of Public Interest Litigation.

The Supreme Court witnessed a phase of judicial activism when VR Krishna Iyer, who was a judge in the 1970s, and PN Bhagwati, who was the Chief Justice in the 1980’s, widened the scope of PIL to render justice to the poor who lacked the resources to approach the court directly.

There were occasions when courts treated complaints received on postcards as writ petitions or took suo motu action on the basis of newspaper reports.

Over a period a large body of non-governmental organisations and individuals specialising in PILs arose all over the country. Not all of them were actuated by considerations of public good. Some were seeking personal glory through the publicity they could attract. This prompted some judges to argue that judicial activism had gone too far.

The Supreme Court should take care to avoid throwing the baby with the bathwater. A fair assessment of the working of PIL will show that it has had a salubrious effect on the working of the democratic system.

A PIL by Sheela Barse, a freelance journalist, who took up the issue of custodial violence against women in prisons led to a court order for setting up of separate lock-ups for women. The first court directive on cleaning up of the Ganga came on a PIL filed by MC Mehta, a lawyer, who raised the issue of contamination of the river by tanneries located on its banks in Kanpur. The 2G scam cases in which politicians and bureaucrats figure as accused were also the result of a PIL.

When the court fines a petitioner for wasting its time it may actually be punishing him for its own failing. Take, for instance, the case of the MLA who has been slapped with the fine of Rs1 million. He had approached the Supreme Court after losing in the high court. Why was his petition entertained when its frivolous character was so evident?

Under the Constitution the Supreme Court need entertain an appeal only if the case involves a substantial question of law relating to interpretation of its provisions. The court can reduce its burden by strictly applying this criterion instead of entertaining every matter brought before it in the form of an appeal or special leave application.
In this matter, it can profit from the example of the US Supreme Court which only takes up as much as it can handle. That court receives each year 7,000 to 8,000 petitions. It grants and hears oral arguments only in about 80 of them. -- Gulf Today, Sharjah, February 14, 2017

30 July, 2014

Restoration of balance

BRP Bhaskar
Gulf Today

For two decades India’s Judiciary has been working as a self-propagating entity, with three to five persons at its top deciding who should be admitted to the club.

The Constitution, promulgated in 1950, envisaged a system of mutual checks and balances by the three limbs of the state – the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary. It vested the power to appoint judges of the Supreme Court and the State High Courts in the President.

He was required to hold consultations with the Chief Justice of India and such other judges as he may deem necessary before appointing a judge. In the case of High Court judges, the consultation process was to include the State Governor and the Chief Justice of that court also.

Since the President and the Governor are bound to act upon the advice of the respective Council of Ministers, the scheme assured the Executive a decisive say in appointments. The relevant provisions of the Constitution remain unchanged, but after three decisions handed down by the Supreme Court between 1981 and 1998 the last word on appointments rests with the Judiciary.

When Indira Gandhi’s government initiated a move for transfer of judges from one high court to another, in view of the experience of the 1975-77 Emergency, it was perceived as an attempt to control the judges. Concerned citizens, mostly lawyers, filed petitions in several high courts challenging the move.

The Supreme Court transferred all the petitions to itself for consideration. A constitution bench headed by PN Bhagwati, which heard them, held that the Executive could turn down the Chief Justice’s recommendations with regard to appointments and transfers for cogent reasons.

However, the government did not spell out the reasons when it disagreed with the Chief Justice’s recommendations.

In 1993 the issue was raised in the Supreme Court again by an association of Supreme Court lawyers. A nine-judge bench, by a majority decision, laid down that the Chief Justice’s recommendation will be final. The Executive could ask him to reconsider the recommendation. If, upon reconsideration, he reiterated it the President had to act upon it.

The bench also laid down guidelines and a time schedule for selection of judges even though the petition had not raised these issues and no arguments had been heard on them.

The judgment, written by JS Verma, claimed it was restoring to the Chief Justice the primacy which he originally had. It was a false claim. That the makers of the Constitution did not grant him primacy is evident from the words of its chief architect, Dr BR Ambedkar. He told the Constituent Assembly that to allow the Chief Justice a veto upon the appointment of judges was to transfer to him the authority they were not prepared to vest in the President or the government of the day.

The judgment extracted from the Chief Justice a price for the primacy it granted him. It made it obligatory for him to involve his two seniormost colleagues in the decision-making process. Thus was born the collegium of judges. It is an institution which was not created by the Constitution but was conjured up by Verma and his colleagues to fictionally represent the Judiciary as a body.

In 1998 a bench headed by SP Bharucha, while answering a Presidential reference, enlarged the collegium to include four seniormost judges, instead of just two.

The three decisions, which resulted in the Judiciary acquiring powers which the Constitution or the laws did not bestow on it, came when the Executive and the Legislature were weak and could not resist the encroachments into their spheres. Attempts by the first National Democratic Alliance government and the second United Progressive Alliance government to enact a law to establish a Judicial Commission to deal with the appointment and transfer of judges did not succeed.

The Narendra Modi government recently turned down a collegium decision. Since the person whom the collegium had recommended for appointment withdrew his consent to serve as judge the Chief Justice’s primacy was to no avail.

The establishment of a judicial appointments commission which functions in a transparent manner is necessary to restore the constitutional balance upset by Supreme Court decisions. The government’s decision to hold consultations with political parties and jurists for the purpose is a welcome step. -- Gulf Today, Sharjah, July 30, 2014.