Fr. Cedric Prakash, SJ, Director of PRASHANT, Ahmedabad based Jesuit Centre for Human Rights, Justice and Peace, writes:
It’s exactly seven years since Gujarat witnessed one of the worst horrendous chapters of Indian history. The burning of the S6 compartment of the Sabarmati Express at the Godhra Railway Station and the subsequent carnage has left an indelible impact on the lives of many. Plenty has happened since 2002 and many indeed would like to move on.....even perhaps, to forget that 2002 ever existed !!! The fact however, remains, that the Gujarat Carnage was not only too traumatic for words but right from day one, there has neither been a political will nor a concerted civil society movement to address it.
Seven years down the road, there are still major concerns which have to be addressed immediately. These include:
Justice:
Thousands of victims still yearn for justice. Some of them want to get on with life but they really are unable to do so since they still know nothing about their loved ones who are “missing” since those horrific days. Many still yearn for a just compensation for the loss of life and property.
Rehabilitation:
Total rehabilitation is fundamental for normalcy. Many of the victims look forward to the possibility of going back to live and work in a place they once called “home”; they would like to live as a matter of right, anywhere in Gujarat, without fear of discrimination and / or ostracization.
Freedom from illegal detention:
Several Muslim youth were detained under the draconian POTA. In spite of POTA being repealed and Supreme Court Judgments negating these illegal confinements, they have still not been granted bail.
Access to basic amenities:
Vast sections of the minority population still live in dehumanizing conditions. In the wake of the Gujarat Carnage, many of them were provided hurriedly constructed shelters in areas which have no access to clean drinking water or primary health care.
Attitudinal change:
Our city, our State have become extremely polarized. There has to be a paradigm shift in the attitude of a large section of people. Biases and prejudices seem to be mainstreamed. Civil society is either too apathetic or too afraid to come out and take a stand for what is right. Most do not want to have a minority as neighbours. Minorities are consistently stereotyped and made the butt of ridicule.
The aura of Immunity:
In spite of being named by various Commissions (both national and international), investigation teams and others, the main perpetrators of the Gujarat Carnage still remain scot-free with an aura of immunity. They cannot be touched, and their posturings communicate this.
Political will:
Ultimately, at the heart of any change is the political will to ensure that the rights and freedoms ensured in the Constitution are guaranteed and protected for every citizen. This political will cannot be reduced to cosmetic promises and mere rhetoric, but has to be seen in a very tangible desire to address and to change what is endemic.
Seven years down the line, the situation in Gujarat is far from normal. While a good part of the violence has been institutionalized, the fact remains to be seen is whether civil society will have the courage to usher in a new dawn by addressing some of these key concerns. Gujarat needs a change for the better!
Showing posts with label Gujarat. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gujarat. Show all posts
27 February, 2009
26 November, 2008
Setting the agenda to counter the fascist state
A Seminar on “The Fascist state: setting the agenda to counter” was held at the Gujarat Vidyapeeth, Ahmedabad, on Sunday, November 23, 2008. Below is the text of a resolution adopted at the seminar:
We, the participants of the Seminar on 'The Fascist State: Setting the agenda to counter' held at the Gujarat Vidyapith, Ahmedabad, on Sunday, 23rd November 2008, are extremely concerned at the increasingly fascist nature of the Indian State, as illustrated by several instances in the recent past.
Gujarat 2002 certainly heralded the fascist era in Indian politics; but it is getting deeply entrenched in Indian politics as a whole, without exception of the party in power. The genocide of Muslims in Gujarat, the subversion of the criminal justice system in order to achieve this, the application of POTA on Muslims in Godhra and other cases, the refusal to acknowledge the large numbers of Internally Displaced Muslims, the persecution of Christian and Muslim Adivasis and the holding of the Shabri Kumbh in the Dangs – all these did expose the fascist characteristics of the State in Gujarat. Encounter killings of Muslims under the pretext of a conspiracy to kill the CM, the appointment of Sanghis in the universities and the saffronization of the campuses, the recent massive drive against Muslim youth following the Ahmedabad blasts also reiterate this.
The brutal and blatant attacks on Christians and their institutions in Orissa and Karnataka, with total connivance of the State governments has exposed the massive fascist project that is underway. The misrepresentation of the constitutionally granted right to practice and propagate one's religion as "forced conversions", in order to threaten the marginalized communities into submission and acceptance of the dominant Hindutva discourse which finally culminates in draconian anti-conversion laws, seems to be passively accepted by the political parties and civil society across the board.
We express deep anguish at the increasing fascist mobilization in society, rising State terror and a circumvention of the rule of law by the law enforcing agencies, and the large scale violation of civil and political liberties.
We condemn these acts of repression in no uncertain terms. We call upon the Central and State Governments to act immediately: uphold and protect the sanctity of the Constitution, to guarantee the rights and freedom of all citizens and to contain the fascist forces which are inimical to the pluralism and diversity of the country.
We invite civil society and all citizens of India, to raise their voice against these fascist forces and make our country in the real sense of the word, one which is 'by the people, for the people and of the people'.
The seminar was organized by Action Aid * Aman Biradari * Aman Samuday * Antarik Visthapit Haq Rakshak Samiti * Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan * Centre for Development * Documentation and Study Centre for Action * Himmat * INSAF * JanVikas * Lok Kala Manch * Mahila Swaraj Abhiyan * Movement for Secular Democracy * National Alliance for Women * Niswa * PRASHANT * PUCL * Safar * SAHR WARU * Women's Action and Resource Unit * Samarpan * Samerth * Samvedan Cultural Program * Sanchetna * Saurashtra Dalit Sangathan * St. Xavier's Social Service Society * Swabhimaan Andolan * URJA
We, the participants of the Seminar on 'The Fascist State: Setting the agenda to counter' held at the Gujarat Vidyapith, Ahmedabad, on Sunday, 23rd November 2008, are extremely concerned at the increasingly fascist nature of the Indian State, as illustrated by several instances in the recent past.
Gujarat 2002 certainly heralded the fascist era in Indian politics; but it is getting deeply entrenched in Indian politics as a whole, without exception of the party in power. The genocide of Muslims in Gujarat, the subversion of the criminal justice system in order to achieve this, the application of POTA on Muslims in Godhra and other cases, the refusal to acknowledge the large numbers of Internally Displaced Muslims, the persecution of Christian and Muslim Adivasis and the holding of the Shabri Kumbh in the Dangs – all these did expose the fascist characteristics of the State in Gujarat. Encounter killings of Muslims under the pretext of a conspiracy to kill the CM, the appointment of Sanghis in the universities and the saffronization of the campuses, the recent massive drive against Muslim youth following the Ahmedabad blasts also reiterate this.
The brutal and blatant attacks on Christians and their institutions in Orissa and Karnataka, with total connivance of the State governments has exposed the massive fascist project that is underway. The misrepresentation of the constitutionally granted right to practice and propagate one's religion as "forced conversions", in order to threaten the marginalized communities into submission and acceptance of the dominant Hindutva discourse which finally culminates in draconian anti-conversion laws, seems to be passively accepted by the political parties and civil society across the board.
We express deep anguish at the increasing fascist mobilization in society, rising State terror and a circumvention of the rule of law by the law enforcing agencies, and the large scale violation of civil and political liberties.
We condemn these acts of repression in no uncertain terms. We call upon the Central and State Governments to act immediately: uphold and protect the sanctity of the Constitution, to guarantee the rights and freedom of all citizens and to contain the fascist forces which are inimical to the pluralism and diversity of the country.
We invite civil society and all citizens of India, to raise their voice against these fascist forces and make our country in the real sense of the word, one which is 'by the people, for the people and of the people'.
The seminar was organized by Action Aid * Aman Biradari * Aman Samuday * Antarik Visthapit Haq Rakshak Samiti * Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan * Centre for Development * Documentation and Study Centre for Action * Himmat * INSAF * JanVikas * Lok Kala Manch * Mahila Swaraj Abhiyan * Movement for Secular Democracy * National Alliance for Women * Niswa * PRASHANT * PUCL * Safar * SAHR WARU * Women's Action and Resource Unit * Samarpan * Samerth * Samvedan Cultural Program * Sanchetna * Saurashtra Dalit Sangathan * St. Xavier's Social Service Society * Swabhimaan Andolan * URJA
29 September, 2008
Hunter better than Nanavati
By R.B. Sreekumar
29 September, 2008
Countercurrents.org
The Nanavati Commission report deserves the description as a whitewashing document of the aggressors than the conclusion of an enquiry. This is an immature, partisan and inconclusive report which has a political motive. It can only be seen only as a predetermined script. The report hides the heinous acts of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and co, who were the perpetrators of the violence. This is not a blind attack by me, but an analysis based on facts.
I am a police officer, committed to the Constitution, who has filed four affidavits before the Nanavati Commission. Every commission has the responsibility to analyse and probe the truth about the information even if it is scribbled on a torn piece of paper. As the report of a senior Intelligence officer in the state, my affidavits have their own seriousness in the state where genocide (it would be a big lie to history as well as to humanity to term the atrocities unleashed in Gujarat as Hindu-Muslim riot) took place. Many things, with proof, about the situations that led to the riots and the roles of the senior officials in them have all been included in the report submitted before the commission.
I have been threatened by Government Pleader Aravidn Pande and Home Secretary Murmu that it would cause repercussions if I tell the truth before the Commission. (Pande's poisonous hissings had been brought before the people of the country by 'Tehleka'). I have even recorded their speeches and presented before the Commission. The Commission had the responsibility to verify the truth about them. The Commission should also have recommended punishment for me had the affidavits I submitted been false. Instead of this the Commission canonized the perpetrators of the riots.
The Supreme Court has authorized a committee headed by former CBI director Dr. Raghavan to probe into the incidents. It also gives rise to a lot of suspicion about the submission of the Nanavati report when their work is in progress. This report disappoints every citizen who wants to see the rule of the law and secularism surviving in the country.
Right from the start there had been flaws in the workings of the Nanavati Commission. The Hunter Commission which probed the Jalianwala Bagh mass murder had recommended punishment and demotion of the British officials responsible for the incident. It is at once shameful and dangerous to note that a probe held in independent, democratic and secular India under a Justice is not even as honest as the Hunter episode.
It will, in no way, be helpful to the people of India, instead, it will foster insecurity in the minority Muslim community and also create a mistrust in Muslims for the law and justice system of India.
This report has made Modi happy. BJP has also vociferously welcomed it. Because it is a report against a community, which they want to throw out from the country. Like Modi's men another group will also be happy about the report: the nefarious forces which want to exploit the discontent in the Muslim minds and attract them to become the pawns of terrorism. However who doesn't know both these forces have the same ulterior motive to exploit the situation created by bloodshed and instability.
R.B. Sreekumar was Additional Director General of Police in Gujarat.
29 September, 2008
Countercurrents.org
The Nanavati Commission report deserves the description as a whitewashing document of the aggressors than the conclusion of an enquiry. This is an immature, partisan and inconclusive report which has a political motive. It can only be seen only as a predetermined script. The report hides the heinous acts of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and co, who were the perpetrators of the violence. This is not a blind attack by me, but an analysis based on facts.
I am a police officer, committed to the Constitution, who has filed four affidavits before the Nanavati Commission. Every commission has the responsibility to analyse and probe the truth about the information even if it is scribbled on a torn piece of paper. As the report of a senior Intelligence officer in the state, my affidavits have their own seriousness in the state where genocide (it would be a big lie to history as well as to humanity to term the atrocities unleashed in Gujarat as Hindu-Muslim riot) took place. Many things, with proof, about the situations that led to the riots and the roles of the senior officials in them have all been included in the report submitted before the commission.
I have been threatened by Government Pleader Aravidn Pande and Home Secretary Murmu that it would cause repercussions if I tell the truth before the Commission. (Pande's poisonous hissings had been brought before the people of the country by 'Tehleka'). I have even recorded their speeches and presented before the Commission. The Commission had the responsibility to verify the truth about them. The Commission should also have recommended punishment for me had the affidavits I submitted been false. Instead of this the Commission canonized the perpetrators of the riots.
The Supreme Court has authorized a committee headed by former CBI director Dr. Raghavan to probe into the incidents. It also gives rise to a lot of suspicion about the submission of the Nanavati report when their work is in progress. This report disappoints every citizen who wants to see the rule of the law and secularism surviving in the country.
Right from the start there had been flaws in the workings of the Nanavati Commission. The Hunter Commission which probed the Jalianwala Bagh mass murder had recommended punishment and demotion of the British officials responsible for the incident. It is at once shameful and dangerous to note that a probe held in independent, democratic and secular India under a Justice is not even as honest as the Hunter episode.
It will, in no way, be helpful to the people of India, instead, it will foster insecurity in the minority Muslim community and also create a mistrust in Muslims for the law and justice system of India.
This report has made Modi happy. BJP has also vociferously welcomed it. Because it is a report against a community, which they want to throw out from the country. Like Modi's men another group will also be happy about the report: the nefarious forces which want to exploit the discontent in the Muslim minds and attract them to become the pawns of terrorism. However who doesn't know both these forces have the same ulterior motive to exploit the situation created by bloodshed and instability.
R.B. Sreekumar was Additional Director General of Police in Gujarat.
04 August, 2008
Independent and objective inquiry into Ahmedabad and Surat blasts demanded
Reproduced below are two documents with a bearing on Gujarat. One is a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister by Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer and four other activists demanding an independent and objective inquiry into the Ahmedabad and Surat blasts. The other is an article by Teesta Setalvad, well-known activist and journalist, which points out how Gujarat’s social fabric has survived the animosity which tore the state into two communal halves during the 2002 riots.
MEMORANDUM
'Pray, terror does not touch Gujarat. C.M. Knows state's anti-terror machinery is cracking' warned Times of India on 16th May, 2008.
Is Ahmedabad safe under new Commissioner of Police O.P. Mathur? Prashant Dayal asked on 27th May, 2008 and onwards in serial articles in Times of India.
Yet instead of reconsidering the appointment of Police Commissioner Gujarat Government allowed SEDITION COMPLAIN being registered against Times of India Resident Editor Bharat Desai and reporter Prashant Dayal on one hand and made several statements after Bangalore blast one was by Minister of States for Home affairs Amit Shah in Dhoraji (Rajkot District) on 25th July, 2008. Second by BJP State President Purshottam Rupala at Virpur (Kheda District) on 26th July, few hours before the first blast in Ahmedabad took place. Over and above Chief Minister himself saying in Jetpur (Rajkot District) making a statement that if the terrorist dare to do what they did in Bangalore I shall hunt them down to death. (Patal Mathi Pan Sodhi Ne Emne Kabrastan Ma Pahochadi Daish, Saaf Kari Nakhis). He earlier had told a public meeting in Mumbai of similar kind and off course Gujarat remembers him boasting during election meetings. Chest as wide as 56", claimed earlier to fight terrorism is now nowhere in the scenario.
The central agencies, according to Minister of State for Home Affairs in the Union Government, Shakeel Ahmed, had given warnings about high terrorists threat to Gujarat. High alert was advised but Narendra Modi chose to ignore, as if it was weather forecast and decided not to act, Why?
Is it not too much of coincidence that Surat bomb detonators has been traced to Government factory in Dholpur, in Rajasthan a BJP ruled state and Ammonium Nitrate trail in Nagpur where the RSS headquarter is situated ?
All the Muslim organisations and leading individuals from the Community have condemned the serial blast in Ahmedabad, they have demonstrated against and asked for independent probe while Hindu organisations have preferred not to do so. Why?
A total of 27 live bombs were recovered in Surat in places like Varachha, Kapodara, Mahidharpura and Umbra in four days after the Ahmedabad blasts. The bombs were recovered through the local people and not by Surat police or any crime detection agencies. How this fact is explained?
Why there are long pending vacancies for five Superintendent of Police, 9 Inspectors and 40 % post of lower level staffers in Intelligence branch resulting in non-availability of intelligence report from bordering districts like Kutch and Banaskantha.
It is beyond anybody's comprehension that all the live bombs in Surat did not explode while in Ahmedabad most of them did. The bomb disposal squad diffused the explosive without any safety gear and with smiling faces, even they by-standards showed no fear as they watched the bombs being diffused. Did they know that bombs were not to be exploded?
Surat bombs were planted as high as on hoardings and tree tops which had to be brought down with the help of crane. Are we to believe terrorists were planting the bombs with the help of cranes which Surat police did not know?
What is the evidence or information available against the survivors of Gujarat carnage 2002, who suffered personal losses six years ago that they are being targeted for the blasts? Or is this the new theory that the Sangh and the administration is selling us?
Was it true that Pota detainees had called Rasool Party in Pakistan, if so, what action has been taken against the Sabarmati Jail authorities? Are we to believe prisons in Gujarat are the hide outs of terror cells?
Why the CCTV cameras installed at the state border and in Ahmedabad hospitals failed on 26th July when the blast took place yet no action seems to have taken against them nor anyone is held responsible for the failure?
Former deputy Prime Minister and leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha
L.K. Advani downwards in saffron brigade are demanding Pota and Gujco like laws but they do not seems to know that baring two provisions Pota is existing in Gujarat in the form of Prevention of Unlawful Activities Act. Moreover terrorist attacks on Parliament House, Red Fort, Akshardham in Gandhinagar and Jammu Mandir had taken place when POTA law was in operation. Any law can help in penalizing those who are arrested but law by itself does not arrest anybody or prevent any crime.
• All the above points are either gross and serious failure by Gujarat Home Department or the State Police or it was a case of criminal complacency in either case an independent inquiry should be held by CBI or by a commission headed by sitting judge of Supreme Court of India.
• Is it not true that direct evidence is available against the Sangh Parivar outfits in the following terror attacks/ bomb blasts: Nanded Bomb blast case, Tenkasi terrorist attack, Thane bomb attacks in the theatre, Nagpur attack on the RSS office?
• Why the intelligence agencies at the centre ignoring this evidence and why these organizations not banned so far?
• Is it not true that Bal Thackrey said that Hindu Suicide squads should be formed and Hindu terror should be unleashed? Also that the bombs planted in Thane should have been stronger? 'It is time to set up Hindu suicide squads to ensure safety of the Hindu society and to protect the nation'. Why he was not arrested? Why Shiv Sena not banned after this statement?
• Why RSS, Bajrang Dal have not been banned?
• Is it not true that in 2002 bombs were used to blow up mosques and dargahs and residences? Who made them?
• Is it not true that various outfits of the Sangh are giving arms training to their cadre?
We the undersigned demand:
• Independent inquiry into the bomb blasts in Ahmedabad and Surat by CBI or by a commission headed by sitting judge of Supreme Court of India.
• An inquiry in to the role of RSS, Bajrang Dal and other Sangh Parivar organizations in various terror attacks.
• Suspension of Police Commissioner of Ahmedabad.
Dr Asghar Ali Engineer- All India Secular Forum
LS Hardenia- Editor, Secular Democracy
Jyotsna Shukla- Executive Quami Ekta Samiti
Digant Oza- People's Movement of India
Shabnam Hashmi- Anhad, Delhi
To
1. Dr. Manmohan Singh
Prime Minister of India
2.Smt Sonia Gandhi
10. Janpath
New Delhi
MEMORANDUM
'Pray, terror does not touch Gujarat. C.M. Knows state's anti-terror machinery is cracking' warned Times of India on 16th May, 2008.
Is Ahmedabad safe under new Commissioner of Police O.P. Mathur? Prashant Dayal asked on 27th May, 2008 and onwards in serial articles in Times of India.
Yet instead of reconsidering the appointment of Police Commissioner Gujarat Government allowed SEDITION COMPLAIN being registered against Times of India Resident Editor Bharat Desai and reporter Prashant Dayal on one hand and made several statements after Bangalore blast one was by Minister of States for Home affairs Amit Shah in Dhoraji (Rajkot District) on 25th July, 2008. Second by BJP State President Purshottam Rupala at Virpur (Kheda District) on 26th July, few hours before the first blast in Ahmedabad took place. Over and above Chief Minister himself saying in Jetpur (Rajkot District) making a statement that if the terrorist dare to do what they did in Bangalore I shall hunt them down to death. (Patal Mathi Pan Sodhi Ne Emne Kabrastan Ma Pahochadi Daish, Saaf Kari Nakhis). He earlier had told a public meeting in Mumbai of similar kind and off course Gujarat remembers him boasting during election meetings. Chest as wide as 56", claimed earlier to fight terrorism is now nowhere in the scenario.
The central agencies, according to Minister of State for Home Affairs in the Union Government, Shakeel Ahmed, had given warnings about high terrorists threat to Gujarat. High alert was advised but Narendra Modi chose to ignore, as if it was weather forecast and decided not to act, Why?
Is it not too much of coincidence that Surat bomb detonators has been traced to Government factory in Dholpur, in Rajasthan a BJP ruled state and Ammonium Nitrate trail in Nagpur where the RSS headquarter is situated ?
All the Muslim organisations and leading individuals from the Community have condemned the serial blast in Ahmedabad, they have demonstrated against and asked for independent probe while Hindu organisations have preferred not to do so. Why?
A total of 27 live bombs were recovered in Surat in places like Varachha, Kapodara, Mahidharpura and Umbra in four days after the Ahmedabad blasts. The bombs were recovered through the local people and not by Surat police or any crime detection agencies. How this fact is explained?
Why there are long pending vacancies for five Superintendent of Police, 9 Inspectors and 40 % post of lower level staffers in Intelligence branch resulting in non-availability of intelligence report from bordering districts like Kutch and Banaskantha.
It is beyond anybody's comprehension that all the live bombs in Surat did not explode while in Ahmedabad most of them did. The bomb disposal squad diffused the explosive without any safety gear and with smiling faces, even they by-standards showed no fear as they watched the bombs being diffused. Did they know that bombs were not to be exploded?
Surat bombs were planted as high as on hoardings and tree tops which had to be brought down with the help of crane. Are we to believe terrorists were planting the bombs with the help of cranes which Surat police did not know?
What is the evidence or information available against the survivors of Gujarat carnage 2002, who suffered personal losses six years ago that they are being targeted for the blasts? Or is this the new theory that the Sangh and the administration is selling us?
Was it true that Pota detainees had called Rasool Party in Pakistan, if so, what action has been taken against the Sabarmati Jail authorities? Are we to believe prisons in Gujarat are the hide outs of terror cells?
Why the CCTV cameras installed at the state border and in Ahmedabad hospitals failed on 26th July when the blast took place yet no action seems to have taken against them nor anyone is held responsible for the failure?
Former deputy Prime Minister and leader of the opposition in the Lok Sabha
L.K. Advani downwards in saffron brigade are demanding Pota and Gujco like laws but they do not seems to know that baring two provisions Pota is existing in Gujarat in the form of Prevention of Unlawful Activities Act. Moreover terrorist attacks on Parliament House, Red Fort, Akshardham in Gandhinagar and Jammu Mandir had taken place when POTA law was in operation. Any law can help in penalizing those who are arrested but law by itself does not arrest anybody or prevent any crime.
• All the above points are either gross and serious failure by Gujarat Home Department or the State Police or it was a case of criminal complacency in either case an independent inquiry should be held by CBI or by a commission headed by sitting judge of Supreme Court of India.
• Is it not true that direct evidence is available against the Sangh Parivar outfits in the following terror attacks/ bomb blasts: Nanded Bomb blast case, Tenkasi terrorist attack, Thane bomb attacks in the theatre, Nagpur attack on the RSS office?
• Why the intelligence agencies at the centre ignoring this evidence and why these organizations not banned so far?
• Is it not true that Bal Thackrey said that Hindu Suicide squads should be formed and Hindu terror should be unleashed? Also that the bombs planted in Thane should have been stronger? 'It is time to set up Hindu suicide squads to ensure safety of the Hindu society and to protect the nation'. Why he was not arrested? Why Shiv Sena not banned after this statement?
• Why RSS, Bajrang Dal have not been banned?
• Is it not true that in 2002 bombs were used to blow up mosques and dargahs and residences? Who made them?
• Is it not true that various outfits of the Sangh are giving arms training to their cadre?
We the undersigned demand:
• Independent inquiry into the bomb blasts in Ahmedabad and Surat by CBI or by a commission headed by sitting judge of Supreme Court of India.
• An inquiry in to the role of RSS, Bajrang Dal and other Sangh Parivar organizations in various terror attacks.
• Suspension of Police Commissioner of Ahmedabad.
Dr Asghar Ali Engineer- All India Secular Forum
LS Hardenia- Editor, Secular Democracy
Jyotsna Shukla- Executive Quami Ekta Samiti
Digant Oza- People's Movement of India
Shabnam Hashmi- Anhad, Delhi
To
1. Dr. Manmohan Singh
Prime Minister of India
2.Smt Sonia Gandhi
10. Janpath
New Delhi
Some good amid the bombs?
By TEESTA SETALVAD
SHOCK, PAIN and grief were visible on the faces of survivors and family members, be it at the VS Hospital, the Civil Hospital or the LG Hospital in Ahmedabad. The bewilderment at the mindless acts of terror, especially the two bomb blasts at the hospitals that targeted the injured and the doctors, was palpable. Exhaustion of the determined band of doctors, paramedics and nurses attending to the injured in the blasts that claimed over 50 lives, was visible. Yet they greeted each visitor with patience, detailing aspects of the terror and their response.
Five days after 18 bomb blasts tore Ahmedabad's fragile social fabric, a tenuous peace reigns over the city. There has been some hardening of hearts but no overt expressions of hatred, yet, on the streets. Violence leading to grief and loss, especially of the kind witnessed by Ahmedabad last Saturday, can often lead to mindless acts of revenge against imagined perpetrators who simply bear the identity badge of a community. Such feelings were stoked to perfection in Gujarat in 2002. Thankfully, they were starkly missing after bomb terror hit the commercial hub of Gujarat last week.
As the nation rallied around to praise the resilience of Gujaratis, we saw, for the first time, that serious efforts were made by the political class (the whacky press conference by Sushma Swaraj apart) not to politicise the issue of bomb terrorism, avoid the usual blame-game and mend the cheap divides.
Ironically, it was the master of political manipulation, Chief Minister Narendra Modi — a man who had never failed to attack the Opposition on cleverly constructed slogans like "Mia Musharraf" and "Sohrabuddin, the terrorist''— who emerged as the beneficiary of a decent national response.
Since the devastating riots of 2002, all of us who hail from the soil of Gujarat have pointed at its forbearing past, towards the poetry of Narmada and the welcoming soil that gave Wali Dakhani a home and final resting place. Just a year before the riots of 2002, Gujarat saw similar moments of glory in the aftermath of the Kutch earthquakes which claimed many lives. All Gujaratis — cutting across communities — chipped in bravely to rebuild homes and hearts. In fact, a victim of 2002 riots, unable to fathom the reason behind the pogrom, told Justices Krishna Iyer and Sawant that the violence was aimed at destroying the harmony and bonhomie between the Hindus and the Muslims.
The land of Gandhi that has abandoned his values needs to rebuild itself on acknowledgement, justice, remorse and forgiveness. Gandhiji was also a victim of a terrorist's bullets. The birthplace of an icon of forbearance and non-violence stands scarred by deep schisms. Gandhiji was killed because he spoke the language of peace and toleration.
The fragile peace prevalent even after the bomb blasts, hopefully, will help Gujarat and Gujaratis see the inherent values of a lasting and comfortable peace.
SHOCK, PAIN and grief were visible on the faces of survivors and family members, be it at the VS Hospital, the Civil Hospital or the LG Hospital in Ahmedabad. The bewilderment at the mindless acts of terror, especially the two bomb blasts at the hospitals that targeted the injured and the doctors, was palpable. Exhaustion of the determined band of doctors, paramedics and nurses attending to the injured in the blasts that claimed over 50 lives, was visible. Yet they greeted each visitor with patience, detailing aspects of the terror and their response.
Five days after 18 bomb blasts tore Ahmedabad's fragile social fabric, a tenuous peace reigns over the city. There has been some hardening of hearts but no overt expressions of hatred, yet, on the streets. Violence leading to grief and loss, especially of the kind witnessed by Ahmedabad last Saturday, can often lead to mindless acts of revenge against imagined perpetrators who simply bear the identity badge of a community. Such feelings were stoked to perfection in Gujarat in 2002. Thankfully, they were starkly missing after bomb terror hit the commercial hub of Gujarat last week.
As the nation rallied around to praise the resilience of Gujaratis, we saw, for the first time, that serious efforts were made by the political class (the whacky press conference by Sushma Swaraj apart) not to politicise the issue of bomb terrorism, avoid the usual blame-game and mend the cheap divides.
Ironically, it was the master of political manipulation, Chief Minister Narendra Modi — a man who had never failed to attack the Opposition on cleverly constructed slogans like "Mia Musharraf" and "Sohrabuddin, the terrorist''— who emerged as the beneficiary of a decent national response.
Since the devastating riots of 2002, all of us who hail from the soil of Gujarat have pointed at its forbearing past, towards the poetry of Narmada and the welcoming soil that gave Wali Dakhani a home and final resting place. Just a year before the riots of 2002, Gujarat saw similar moments of glory in the aftermath of the Kutch earthquakes which claimed many lives. All Gujaratis — cutting across communities — chipped in bravely to rebuild homes and hearts. In fact, a victim of 2002 riots, unable to fathom the reason behind the pogrom, told Justices Krishna Iyer and Sawant that the violence was aimed at destroying the harmony and bonhomie between the Hindus and the Muslims.
The land of Gandhi that has abandoned his values needs to rebuild itself on acknowledgement, justice, remorse and forgiveness. Gandhiji was also a victim of a terrorist's bullets. The birthplace of an icon of forbearance and non-violence stands scarred by deep schisms. Gandhiji was killed because he spoke the language of peace and toleration.
The fragile peace prevalent even after the bomb blasts, hopefully, will help Gujarat and Gujaratis see the inherent values of a lasting and comfortable peace.
22 June, 2008
UN classifies rape a 'war tactic'
The UN Security Council has voted unanimously in favour of a resolution classifying rape as a weapon of war.
The document describes the deliberate use of rape as a tactic in war and a threat to international security.
The UN is also setting up an inquiry to report next June on how widespread the practice is and how to tackle it.
For details, see BBC report.
Rape has been used extensively in internal conflicts, too, since time immeorial.
Those who practised untouchability had no qualms about raping 'untouchable' women.
In our own time, the Hindutva brigades in Gujarat and the Marxist cadres in Nandigram used rape as a weapon of war.
The document describes the deliberate use of rape as a tactic in war and a threat to international security.
The UN is also setting up an inquiry to report next June on how widespread the practice is and how to tackle it.
For details, see BBC report.
Rape has been used extensively in internal conflicts, too, since time immeorial.
Those who practised untouchability had no qualms about raping 'untouchable' women.
In our own time, the Hindutva brigades in Gujarat and the Marxist cadres in Nandigram used rape as a weapon of war.
27 December, 2007
The lesson the Congress needs to learn from Gujarat experience
GUJARAT has rejected the Congress again. The nation is discussing the likely impact of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s fourth successive electoral triumph in the State. BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, L. K. Advani, has said the victory in Gujarat heralds the party’s comeback on the national stage. Media reports say the Congress has shelved plans to call Lok Sabha elections before the term of the present house expires.
In a country of India's diversity, the experience of one State has only limited relevance elsewhere. With the Congress continuously declining and no national alternative in sight, regional politics is a reality.
When the political developments of the past six decades are analyzed, it can be seen that a two-party system has already emerged in some States. In places like Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Congress and the BJP are the two parties vying for power. In some other places, like Assam and Andhra Pradesh the Congress has to contend with regional parties for power. In some States like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Tamil Nadu, the Congress is out of the power struggle. There other national and regional parties fight it out.
The situation in Punjab, West Bengal and Kerala is different. In Punjab, where the Sikh party, the Akali Dal, and the Hindu party, BJP, can together beat the Congress, that party is sometimes able to stage a comeback. In West Bengal, a front led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has established monopoly of power. In Kerala, a two-front system has emerged. If the CPI (M) and the Congress had summoned the courage to go it alone, the State may have by now evolved a two-party system, as in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh.
The Congress has to learn a lesson from the Gujarat experience. It lost power in the State in 1990. While it had bagged 149 out of 182 Assembly seats in the previous election, it could get only 33 seats in that year. The Janata Dal (70 seats) came first, followed by the BJP (67 seats). When the State went to the polls again five years later, the Janata Dal disappeared. The BJP won 121 seats and came to power. The Congress got only 45 seats. There has been no significant change in the position of the two parties since then, as the following figures bear out: In 1996, BJP got 117, Congress 53; in 2002, BJP 127, Congress 51; and in 2007 BJP 117, Congress 59.
It was the Hindu consolidation brought about by the Ayodhya issue that enabled the BJP, which had got only 11 seats in 1985, to raise its tally to 67 in 1990 and 121 in 1995. The communal riots of 2002 benefited the BJP in the elections held that year. The growth of communalism spoiled the game for the Congress.
This time Narendra Modi faced a serious problem of dissidence. The Congress gave the party ticket to some BJP rebels. The Rashtreeya Swayamsevak Sangh leadership was at loggerheads with Modi. Yet the Congress could not improve its position significantly. In the circumstances, the question arises whether the party has gone out of reckoning forever. Its only consolation is that there is no party in Gujarat which can push the Congress down to the third or fourth place, as has happened in UP and Bihar.
Sonia Gandhi, whom the continuously declining Congress looks upon as its saviour, has certainly been able to control the struggle for power within the party. But she has not been able to improve the party’s position even in UP, the turf of the Nehru-Gandhis.
The reason for the Congress party’s sad plight is that it has no credible leadership at the lower levels. Indira Gandhi did nothing to strengthen the party at the grassroots level after she broke with the Syndicate leaders who had the organization in their grips. Those whom Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi installed as leaders lacked popular base. They could not build it up either. Sonia Gandhi could not bring about a change in this situation.
There is no need to see the end of one-party rule at the Centre as a great tragedy. At the same time, that two dozen parties have to come together to form a government is not a desirable state of affairs. National parties with a broad vision are needed for the healthy functioning of democracy. Therefore, it is not Congressmen alone who want the party to endure. But it is for the party’s leadership to take steps to strengthen it. No one else can do that.
Based on “Nerkkazhcha” column which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi on December 27, 2007
In a country of India's diversity, the experience of one State has only limited relevance elsewhere. With the Congress continuously declining and no national alternative in sight, regional politics is a reality.
When the political developments of the past six decades are analyzed, it can be seen that a two-party system has already emerged in some States. In places like Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, the Congress and the BJP are the two parties vying for power. In some other places, like Assam and Andhra Pradesh the Congress has to contend with regional parties for power. In some States like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Tamil Nadu, the Congress is out of the power struggle. There other national and regional parties fight it out.
The situation in Punjab, West Bengal and Kerala is different. In Punjab, where the Sikh party, the Akali Dal, and the Hindu party, BJP, can together beat the Congress, that party is sometimes able to stage a comeback. In West Bengal, a front led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) has established monopoly of power. In Kerala, a two-front system has emerged. If the CPI (M) and the Congress had summoned the courage to go it alone, the State may have by now evolved a two-party system, as in Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh.
The Congress has to learn a lesson from the Gujarat experience. It lost power in the State in 1990. While it had bagged 149 out of 182 Assembly seats in the previous election, it could get only 33 seats in that year. The Janata Dal (70 seats) came first, followed by the BJP (67 seats). When the State went to the polls again five years later, the Janata Dal disappeared. The BJP won 121 seats and came to power. The Congress got only 45 seats. There has been no significant change in the position of the two parties since then, as the following figures bear out: In 1996, BJP got 117, Congress 53; in 2002, BJP 127, Congress 51; and in 2007 BJP 117, Congress 59.
It was the Hindu consolidation brought about by the Ayodhya issue that enabled the BJP, which had got only 11 seats in 1985, to raise its tally to 67 in 1990 and 121 in 1995. The communal riots of 2002 benefited the BJP in the elections held that year. The growth of communalism spoiled the game for the Congress.
This time Narendra Modi faced a serious problem of dissidence. The Congress gave the party ticket to some BJP rebels. The Rashtreeya Swayamsevak Sangh leadership was at loggerheads with Modi. Yet the Congress could not improve its position significantly. In the circumstances, the question arises whether the party has gone out of reckoning forever. Its only consolation is that there is no party in Gujarat which can push the Congress down to the third or fourth place, as has happened in UP and Bihar.
Sonia Gandhi, whom the continuously declining Congress looks upon as its saviour, has certainly been able to control the struggle for power within the party. But she has not been able to improve the party’s position even in UP, the turf of the Nehru-Gandhis.
The reason for the Congress party’s sad plight is that it has no credible leadership at the lower levels. Indira Gandhi did nothing to strengthen the party at the grassroots level after she broke with the Syndicate leaders who had the organization in their grips. Those whom Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi installed as leaders lacked popular base. They could not build it up either. Sonia Gandhi could not bring about a change in this situation.
There is no need to see the end of one-party rule at the Centre as a great tragedy. At the same time, that two dozen parties have to come together to form a government is not a desirable state of affairs. National parties with a broad vision are needed for the healthy functioning of democracy. Therefore, it is not Congressmen alone who want the party to endure. But it is for the party’s leadership to take steps to strengthen it. No one else can do that.
Based on “Nerkkazhcha” column which appeared in Kerala Kaumudi on December 27, 2007
24 December, 2007
Will Modi's win in Gujarat threaten India as a democratic and secular nation?
by Ghulam Muhammed
Today, this question will be on the minds of majority of people of India and even weighing heavily with international community. Can an emerging economic power like India should be available to a fascist political movement that may wreck the peace of the world?
Modi's election victory should be analyzed through three dominant undercurrents: It pits the state of Gujarat against the Central Government. It pits Hindus against the Muslims. It pits lawlessness against the Laws of the land.
Modi in Gujarat had orchestrated a campaign against the Central government, which is ruled by Congress and the Communists, diametrically opposed to Modi's Hindutva. When he raised the slogan: Jeetega Gujarat --- Gujarat will win; he left out the other part of the slogan, haregi Dilli --- Delhi will be defeated. The old Indian History of the Mughal Delhi, whom he derisively refers to as Sultanate of Delhi, has been resurrected to de-legitimize Congress and CPM and other coalition members of the UPA government, who carry the banner of secularism. Just as Communists have carved two states as their regional strongholds, where they are ensconced on a long term basis, Modi too feels, Hindutva needs a secure base in a regional state with its own private and distinct identity.
The difference between CPM and Modi is that while CPM has courted Muslim votes, both in West Bengal and in Kerala, to solidify its rule in a longer term consolidation and reaped its benefits. Modi, a true follower of the extremely radicalized RSS movement, that is ideologically committed to the physical destruction of Muslims, in India and abroad, has deeply communalized Gujarat polity and had demonized Muslims to carve out his own communalized vote-bank that is against the letter and spirit of Indian constitution. In fact, he is grossly in violation of the election code of conduct that prohibits and even debars any political party that does not confirm to Constitutional benchmark of believing and practicing the twin fundamentals of democracy and secularism.
For all practical purposes, Modi's progress has all the contours of a Hitler winning his election in a democratic Germany but later using his political power to impose his own brand of fascism, built around nationalism and racial superiority and exclusivity. Hitler had his Jews, while Modi has his Muslims. Hitler had his kristallnacht, Modi had his 2002 pogrom. On hearing that a German Embassy staff, Vom Rath was shot by a German Polish Jew living in Paris; after intense discussion, Hitler left 'fighters dinner' while Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels delivered the speech instead, in which he commented that "the F¨¹hrer has decided that such demonstrations should not be prepared or organised by the party, but insofar as they erupt spontaneously, they are not to be hampered." This may seem a fairly innocuous comment, but attending chief party judge Walter Buch later stated that the message was clear; with these words Goebbels had commanded the party leaders to organise the pogrom that would later be known as Kristallnacht. The SA shattered the storefronts of about 7500 Jewish stores and businesses, hence the appellation Kristallnacht (Crystal Night). Wikipedia describes: "At 1:20am on November 10, 1938, Reinhard Heydrich sent an urgent secret telegramme to "All Headquarters and Stations of the State Police, All Districts and Sub-districts of the SA" containing instructions regarding the riots.
The timing of the riots varied from unit to unit. The Gauleiters started at about 10:30pm, only two hours after news of vom Rath's death reached Germany. They were followed by the SA at 11pm, and the SS at around 1:20am. Most were wearing civilian clothes and were armed with sledgehammers and axes, and soon went to work on the destruction of Jewish property. The orders given to these men were very specific, however: no measures endangering non-Jewish German life or property were to be taken (synagogues too close to non-Jewish property were smashed rather than burned); Jewish businesses or dwellings could be destroyed but not looted; foreigners (even Jewish foreigners) were not to be the subjects of violence; and synagogue archives were to be transferred to the S.D. The men were also ordered to arrest as many Jews as the local jails would hold, the preferred targets being young, healthy males.
In exactly similar scenario, Modi held a meeting of his top people and reported to have given 3 clear days to avenge the Godhra train burnings, blaming local Muslims for the accident.. Just as on cue, in Germany party cadre destroyed hundreds of shops owned by Jews; in Gujarat a similar orgy of death and destruction was unleashed on Muslims. Their shops and properties were looted and then burned. In rural areas, Muslims were unceremoniously butchered, burned or buried in mass graves. Muslim women were raped, killed and burned. Some were torched alive.
Hitler gave one night. Modi is reported to have given three days.
Modi's public campaign brought the worst fascist logic to all his aggressive assertion. When he challenged Sonia ben to hang him for the premeditated murder of Sohrabuddin, he was challenging the rule of law in India. Modi did not care for the fact that he was in open and direct contempt of court and even liable to be prosecuted as the prime accused as the mastermind in a fake encounter, that is currently being pursued in courts. During the election campaign, Modi's outbursts were typical of Hitlerian harangues. He kept on challenging the law of the land.
Congress in opposition is in such a terribly unstable condition, that it dare not challenge Modi or his Bharatiya Janata Party, even when they commit blue murder in broad daylight. This weakness of secular and democratic opposition has boosted the aggressive politics of the fascist movement and bodes ill for the future of the country, as a bastion of democracy and secularism.
If political forces in India are not alert and aware, India could become a victim of a fascist takeover. Once entrenched, only wars can dislodge the usurpers.
Ghulam Muhammed, the author of this essay, can be contacted at ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
Today, this question will be on the minds of majority of people of India and even weighing heavily with international community. Can an emerging economic power like India should be available to a fascist political movement that may wreck the peace of the world?
Modi's election victory should be analyzed through three dominant undercurrents: It pits the state of Gujarat against the Central Government. It pits Hindus against the Muslims. It pits lawlessness against the Laws of the land.
Modi in Gujarat had orchestrated a campaign against the Central government, which is ruled by Congress and the Communists, diametrically opposed to Modi's Hindutva. When he raised the slogan: Jeetega Gujarat --- Gujarat will win; he left out the other part of the slogan, haregi Dilli --- Delhi will be defeated. The old Indian History of the Mughal Delhi, whom he derisively refers to as Sultanate of Delhi, has been resurrected to de-legitimize Congress and CPM and other coalition members of the UPA government, who carry the banner of secularism. Just as Communists have carved two states as their regional strongholds, where they are ensconced on a long term basis, Modi too feels, Hindutva needs a secure base in a regional state with its own private and distinct identity.
The difference between CPM and Modi is that while CPM has courted Muslim votes, both in West Bengal and in Kerala, to solidify its rule in a longer term consolidation and reaped its benefits. Modi, a true follower of the extremely radicalized RSS movement, that is ideologically committed to the physical destruction of Muslims, in India and abroad, has deeply communalized Gujarat polity and had demonized Muslims to carve out his own communalized vote-bank that is against the letter and spirit of Indian constitution. In fact, he is grossly in violation of the election code of conduct that prohibits and even debars any political party that does not confirm to Constitutional benchmark of believing and practicing the twin fundamentals of democracy and secularism.
For all practical purposes, Modi's progress has all the contours of a Hitler winning his election in a democratic Germany but later using his political power to impose his own brand of fascism, built around nationalism and racial superiority and exclusivity. Hitler had his Jews, while Modi has his Muslims. Hitler had his kristallnacht, Modi had his 2002 pogrom. On hearing that a German Embassy staff, Vom Rath was shot by a German Polish Jew living in Paris; after intense discussion, Hitler left 'fighters dinner' while Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels delivered the speech instead, in which he commented that "the F¨¹hrer has decided that such demonstrations should not be prepared or organised by the party, but insofar as they erupt spontaneously, they are not to be hampered." This may seem a fairly innocuous comment, but attending chief party judge Walter Buch later stated that the message was clear; with these words Goebbels had commanded the party leaders to organise the pogrom that would later be known as Kristallnacht. The SA shattered the storefronts of about 7500 Jewish stores and businesses, hence the appellation Kristallnacht (Crystal Night). Wikipedia describes: "At 1:20am on November 10, 1938, Reinhard Heydrich sent an urgent secret telegramme to "All Headquarters and Stations of the State Police, All Districts and Sub-districts of the SA" containing instructions regarding the riots.
The timing of the riots varied from unit to unit. The Gauleiters started at about 10:30pm, only two hours after news of vom Rath's death reached Germany. They were followed by the SA at 11pm, and the SS at around 1:20am. Most were wearing civilian clothes and were armed with sledgehammers and axes, and soon went to work on the destruction of Jewish property. The orders given to these men were very specific, however: no measures endangering non-Jewish German life or property were to be taken (synagogues too close to non-Jewish property were smashed rather than burned); Jewish businesses or dwellings could be destroyed but not looted; foreigners (even Jewish foreigners) were not to be the subjects of violence; and synagogue archives were to be transferred to the S.D. The men were also ordered to arrest as many Jews as the local jails would hold, the preferred targets being young, healthy males.
In exactly similar scenario, Modi held a meeting of his top people and reported to have given 3 clear days to avenge the Godhra train burnings, blaming local Muslims for the accident.. Just as on cue, in Germany party cadre destroyed hundreds of shops owned by Jews; in Gujarat a similar orgy of death and destruction was unleashed on Muslims. Their shops and properties were looted and then burned. In rural areas, Muslims were unceremoniously butchered, burned or buried in mass graves. Muslim women were raped, killed and burned. Some were torched alive.
Hitler gave one night. Modi is reported to have given three days.
Modi's public campaign brought the worst fascist logic to all his aggressive assertion. When he challenged Sonia ben to hang him for the premeditated murder of Sohrabuddin, he was challenging the rule of law in India. Modi did not care for the fact that he was in open and direct contempt of court and even liable to be prosecuted as the prime accused as the mastermind in a fake encounter, that is currently being pursued in courts. During the election campaign, Modi's outbursts were typical of Hitlerian harangues. He kept on challenging the law of the land.
Congress in opposition is in such a terribly unstable condition, that it dare not challenge Modi or his Bharatiya Janata Party, even when they commit blue murder in broad daylight. This weakness of secular and democratic opposition has boosted the aggressive politics of the fascist movement and bodes ill for the future of the country, as a bastion of democracy and secularism.
If political forces in India are not alert and aware, India could become a victim of a fascist takeover. Once entrenched, only wars can dislodge the usurpers.
Ghulam Muhammed, the author of this essay, can be contacted at ghulammuhammed3@gmail.com>
Modi leads the BJP back to power almost single-handedly
Confounding critics, Chief Minister Narendra Modi led his party to a resounding victory in the Gujarat Assembly elections, almost single-handedly. Pollsters had forecast that Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, which won a two-thirds majority in the Assembly in 2002, will return to power with a reduced majority. While they thought he would lose up to 20 seats, the actual loss was less than 10.This was BJP’s third successive electoral victory under Modi’s leadership. Modi faced a major internal revolt on election eve and his relationship with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the ideological fountainhead of the Sangh Parivar, was less than cordial. That makes his victory all the more glorious.
Modi’s record victory in 2002 came when Gujarat stood communally polarized after the riots which resulted in the death of several thousand people. This time the campaign began on a healthy note with the Chief Minister projecting himself as a champion of development. As the Congress openly courted BJP dissidents, the media discussed the possibility of a change of administration. After Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s ‘merchant of death’ speech, Modi abandoned the development plank and settled for the old Hindutva card.
The failure of the Congress's comeback bid raises the question whether the party has gone out of reckoning for power in State, as in Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu.
In the new 182-member Gujarat Assembly, there are just five Muslims, all elected on the Congress ticket. The party had put up six Muslims. One of them, a woman, lost. It appears many Muslim voters did not take kindly to the idea of a woman of the community entering the contest. The BJP did not put up a single Muslim candidate. Muslims account for nine per cent of the State’s population.
NDTV reported that Indian Americans remained glued to television sets and computers to follow live reports from Gujarat as the election results poured in BJP supporters opened champagne bottles to celebrate Modi’s victory.
The channel quoted Chandrakant Patel, a former President of the Overseas Friends of the BJP as saying, “This will set the trend for national politics. Our next goal is Delhi.”
Voice of America correspondent in New Delhi Steve Herman echoed similar sentiments when he said the BJP victory has ramifications beyond the borders of Gujarat.
Voice of America correspondent in New Delhi Steve Herman echoed similar sentiments when he said the BJP victory has ramifications beyond the borders of Gujarat.
The attempt to project the Assembly results on to the national stage needs to be approached with caution. The BJP which took more than two-thirds of the Assembly seats from the State in 2002 had to concede 12 of the 26 Lok Sabha seats to the Congress in 2004.
18 December, 2007
Modi's Gujaratis
What will we call Ghulam Mohammad Sheikh, who put Gujarat on the painting map of the world.
What about Bandukwala?
What name will be given to garba music of Ismail Darbar?
Zaheer Khan, Irfan Pathan, Yusuf Pathan, Saira, Rashida, Niazben where will they fit?
Are they Gujarati or just "them" in Modi's Gujarat?
Nasiruddin Haidar Khan raises these questions in an article "Modi's Gujaratis", distributed by countercurrents.org.
What about Bandukwala?
What name will be given to garba music of Ismail Darbar?
Zaheer Khan, Irfan Pathan, Yusuf Pathan, Saira, Rashida, Niazben where will they fit?
Are they Gujarati or just "them" in Modi's Gujarat?
Nasiruddin Haidar Khan raises these questions in an article "Modi's Gujaratis", distributed by countercurrents.org.
25 October, 2007
Narendra Modi's role in 2002 Gujarat riots: Tehelka expose
AN INVESTIGATIVE STORY by Tehelka weekly magazine, which throws light on Chief Minister Narendra Modi’s role in the Gujarat riots of 2002, was telecast by Headlines Today and Aaj Tak channels tonight (October 25, 2007).
The story, based on several months of painstaking investigation, appears in print in a 108-page special issue of Tehelka, which hits the stands tomorrow morning.
It is already available at Tehelka's English and Hindi websites.
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