“Who Killed Karkare? — The real face of terrorism in India” is the title of a book, written by S.M. Mushrif, a former senior police officer.
The publishers claim that, for the first time, it probes deep into "Islamic terrorism" in India. Of particular interest is the book's detailed study of the 26/11 attack on Mumbai during which Maharashtra ATS chief Hemant Karkare was killed.
From the back cover of the book: “Political violence, or terrorism, by State as well as by non-State actors has a long history in India. The allegation that sections of and individual Indian Muslims indulged in “terrorism” surfaced for the first time with the ascent of the Hindutva forces in mid-1990s and became state policy with the BJP’s coming to power at the Centre. With even “secular” media joining the role as stenographers of security agencies, this became an accepted fact so much so that common Indians and even many Muslims started believing in this false propaganda.”
Mushrif, a former officer with a distinguished career that included unearthing the Telgi scam, peeps behind the propaganda screen, using material mostly in the public domain as well as his long police experience. It comes out with some startling facts and analysis, the first of its kind, to expose the real actors behind the so-called “Islamic terrorism” in India whose greatest feat was to murder the Maharashtra ATS chief Hemant Karkare who dared to expose these forces and paid with his life for his courage and commitment to truth. While unearthing the conspiracy behind the murder of Karkare, this book takes a hard look at some of the major incidents attributed to “Islamic terrorism” in India and finds them baseless.
The book, published by Pharos Media Publishing Pvt Ltd, is priced Rs 300/US$25.
The publishers can be contacted at books@pharosmedia.com
15 October, 2009
Human Rights film festival in solidarity with Irom Sharmila
About 140 organizations have given a call to initiate solidarity actions on the eve of the tenth year of the hunger fast by Sharmila Irom against the rule of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Manipur state. Protests, one-day symbolic fasts, film festivals, posters, letters to the Chief Minister of Manipur and Prime Minister as well as solidarity poems by students in different parts are being planned in many places. The central idea behind the campaign is to support not just Sharmila Irom’s demand to repeal AFSPA in Manipur. Ultimately, there is a need to remove such repressive laws wherever they are in place, in the entire north east, Jammu and Kashmir, Chattisgarh, etc. We believe that collective action by all organizations who have come forward to support Sharmila Irom’s demand has the power to change the authoritarian character of the Indian state.
Many groups have expressed an interest in organizing film festivals on human rights in solidarity with Sharmila Irom during the period November 2-6, 2009. We have put together a package of relevant films which can be made available to any group that is interested in organizing such an effort.
For getting copies of films, place a request on insafdelhi@gmail.com and solidarity@manipurfreedom.org with your programme details. Packages will be couriered to you from following address:
INSAF national secretariat 124-A/6, First Floor, Katwaria Sarai, New Delhi-110016 Ph: +91-11-65663958, Telefax:+91-11-26517814 E-mail: insafdelhi@gmail.com
Please send your announcements and reports of your actions to solidarity@manipurfreedom.org so that they can be viewed by a larger audience.
The following documentary films are available:
Soldiers in Sarong: By Lokendra Arambam. Duration – 45 minutes Abstract – “sarong” -women traditional wear. Manipur, a small state in north east India is in deep political and social turmoil. The impact of armed conflict and the confrontation between the State and Non state actors were most acutely felt by the women. Their lives are testimony to the impact of violence on traditional societies forced into the painful threshold of modernity.
Tales from the margin: By Kavita Joshi. English. Duration - 23 minutes Abstract – A travel to the remote, strife torn corner of India. It documents the extraordinary protest of Manipuri women for justice. The film also focus on the everyday lives of women and human tragedies in Manipur ( India) .
Sharmila – the iron lady: CNN- IBN A 30 minute story on Iron Sharmila. Her struggle and the cycle of violence in the State of Manipur by a Delhi based national media – CNN- IBN
True lies in Manipur: CNN- IBN 30 minutes story on the fake encounter in July 23, 2009 and the aftermath of the expose.
Redefining Peace: By K.P Sasi Duration – 58 Minutes Abstract - 1000 women were nominated for the 2005 Nobel peace prize by net work of women movements and organizations across the globe. Of which 91 women were from India. The film tells the story of the struggle and contribution of these 91 women, who in their own ways redefine the definition of Peace. Sharmila Irom is one among the list.
Jashn-e-azadi (How we celebrate freedom): By Sanjay Kak Duration - 138 minutes Amidst the everyday violence and ever-present fear in Kashmir, there are no easy answers to such questions. Where truth has been an early victim, all language, speech, poetry, even cinema, becomes inadequate to describe what we know and feel here. So we reshape our curiosity, and point ourselves at what we can see, what we are allowed to see
Development flows from the barrel of the Gun: By B. Toppo and Meghnath Duration - 55 miniutes. This film presents and examines orchestrated state violence against indigenous and local peoples when they protest against development projects on their lands. The film strengthen their thesis by documenting examples from all over India – Orissa, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Chhattisgarh.
Prisoners of Conscience: Zameer ke Bandi (1978, 45 mins, B&W) On political prisoners in India before, during and after the State of Emergency in 1975-77.
An important historical record of a traumatic period in India's recent political history, PRISONERS OF CONSCIENCE focuses on the State of Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi from June 1975 to March 1977. During the Emergency the media was muzzled, over 100,000 people were arrested without charge and imprisoned without trial. But political prisoners existed before the Emergency, and they continue to exist even after it is over.
14 October, 2009
Raise your voice against military offensive in tribal areas
The following is a joint statement issued by the Campaign for Survival and Dignity, a national platform of Adivasi and forest dwellers' mass organizations from ten States:
The Campaign for Survival and Dignity unequivocally condemns the reported plans for a military “offensive” by the government in the country's major forest and tribal areas. This offensive, ostensibly targeted against the CPI (Maoist), is a smoke screen for an assault against the people, especially adivasis, aimed at suppressing all dissent, all resistance and engineering the takeover of their resources. Certain facts make this clear:
• The government tells us that this offensive will make it possible for the “state to function” in these areas and fill the “vacuum of governance.” This is grossly misleading. The Indian state is very, very active in these areas, often in its most brutal and violent form. A vivid example is the illegal eviction of more than 3,00,000 families by the Forest Departments a few years ago. Laws have been totally disregarded; Constitutional protections for adivasi rights blatantly ignored and their rights over water, forest and land (jal, jangal, jamin) glaringly violated. Every month an increasing number of people are jailed, beaten and killed by the police. If this is the picture of what “absence” of the state means, people are terrified of what the “presence” of the state will mean. It can only mean converting brutalized governance into militarized rule, a total negation of democracy.
• This is not a war over “development.” People's struggles in India today are over democracy and dignity - Meaningful development must contribute to strengthening the right of all people to their resources and their production, and thereby to control over their own destiny. For generations, adivasis have fought for their Constitutional rights and entitlements. More recently, mass democratic movements have fought for new laws and policies, such as the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), the Forest Rights Act, the right to work and the right to food, in addition to earlier laws like the Minimum Wages Act, the Restoration of Alienated Lands Acts, and land reform and moneylending laws. These laws make it possible for people to fight for greater control over their lives, their livelihoods, their lands and their forests. However these laws are respected more in the breach; if the government wants “development”, let it first stop the blatant disregard of its own laws. Let people determine the path of their own development, in accordance with their rights over their resources and the type of infrastructure they desire. The Constitution itself requires this kind of planning. The claim that “development” can be provided through military force is both absurd and ridiculous.
• This war is not about “national security”; it is about ‘securing’ the interests of global and Indian capital and big business. Any government worried about security would send its troops against mining mafias, the forest mafias, violent vigilante groups like the salwa judum and others. Rather than being curbed, these killers are in fact supported by the police. Have the security forces ever been deployed to defend the people struggling to protect themselves, their forests, their livelihoods and their futures? The answer is no. The notion of “security” being advanced by the government clearly has nothing to do with the people. Rather, it is to enable big business to engage in robbery and expropriation of resources, which they have decided will be one of their main sources of accumulation. Hence, mining, “infrastructure”, real estate, land grabbing, all aimed at super-profits, are being projected as “development” needed by the people. Huge amounts of international and government money are being pumped into so-called “forestry projects” which displace people from their lands and destroy biodiversity (even while they are trumpeted as a strategy for climate change). The UPA is rushing into agreements with the US and other imperial countries to throw open mining and land to international exploitation. But where do the forests, land, water and minerals lie? They are found in the forest and tribal areas, where people - some organised under the CPI (Maoist), some organized under democratic movements, some in spontaneous local struggles, some simply fighting in whatever manner they can – are resisting the destruction of their homes, resources and their lives. The “offensive against the Maoists” is only a subterfuge to crush this citizens’ resistance and to provide an excuse for more abuse of power, more brutality and more injustice.
• The government knows perfectly well that it cannot destroy the CPI (Maoist), or any people's struggle, through military action. How can the armed forces identify who is a “Maoist” and who is not? The use of brute military force will result in the slaughter of thousands of people in prolonged, bloody and brutal guerrilla warfare. This has been the result of every “security offensive” in India's history from Kashmir to Nagaland. So why do this? And why now? Unless the goal has nothing to do with “wiping out the Maoists” and everything to do with having an excuse for the permanent presence of lakhs of troops, arms and equipment in these areas. To protect and serve whom?
• Hence the need for fear mongering and hysteria about Maoist “sympathisers” and their “infiltration” into “civil society.” The government has a very long history of labeling any form of dissent as “Naxalite” or “Maoist.” The Maoists' politics are known; their positions are public; the only secret aspect of their work is their personal identities and military tactics. We who work in these areas do not fear this bogey of “infiltration” in our groups by Maoists, for the different stands taken by our organizations and theirs are clear, and in some areas there are open disputes. This scaremongering is just an excuse to justify a crackdown on all forms of dissent and democratic protest in these areas, a crushing of all people's resistance, and the branding of any questioning, any demand for justice, as “Maoist.”
In the final analysis, peace and justice will only come to India's workers, peasants, adivasis, dalits and other oppressed sections through the mass democratic struggle of the people. A democratic struggle requires democratic space. The conversion of a region into a war zone, by anyone, is unacceptable. In the forest areas in particular, there is now a need for a new peace, one that can only be achieved through a genuine democratic dialogue between the political forces involved. For this to happen, this horrific “offensive” must first be called off. If the government really wishes to claim that it is committed to protecting people and their rights, let its actions comply with the requirements of law, justice and democracy.
The following are members of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity:
Bharat Jan Andolan, National Front for Tribal Self Rule, Jangal Adhikar Sangharsh Samiti (Mah), Adivasi Mahasabha (Guj), Adivasi Jangal Janjeevan Andolan (D&NH), Jangal Jameen Jan Andolan (Raj), Madhya Pradesh Jangal Jeevan Adhikar Bachao Andolan, Jan Shakti Sanghatan (Chat), Peoples Alliance for Livelihood Rights, Chattisgarh Mukti Morcha, Orissa Jan Sangharsh Morcha, Campaign for Survival & Dignity (Ori), Orissa Jan Adhikar Morcha, Adivasi Aikya Vedike (AP), Campaign for Survival and Dignity – TN, Bharat Jan Andolan (Jhar).
The Campaign for Survival and Dignity unequivocally condemns the reported plans for a military “offensive” by the government in the country's major forest and tribal areas. This offensive, ostensibly targeted against the CPI (Maoist), is a smoke screen for an assault against the people, especially adivasis, aimed at suppressing all dissent, all resistance and engineering the takeover of their resources. Certain facts make this clear:
• The government tells us that this offensive will make it possible for the “state to function” in these areas and fill the “vacuum of governance.” This is grossly misleading. The Indian state is very, very active in these areas, often in its most brutal and violent form. A vivid example is the illegal eviction of more than 3,00,000 families by the Forest Departments a few years ago. Laws have been totally disregarded; Constitutional protections for adivasi rights blatantly ignored and their rights over water, forest and land (jal, jangal, jamin) glaringly violated. Every month an increasing number of people are jailed, beaten and killed by the police. If this is the picture of what “absence” of the state means, people are terrified of what the “presence” of the state will mean. It can only mean converting brutalized governance into militarized rule, a total negation of democracy.
• This is not a war over “development.” People's struggles in India today are over democracy and dignity - Meaningful development must contribute to strengthening the right of all people to their resources and their production, and thereby to control over their own destiny. For generations, adivasis have fought for their Constitutional rights and entitlements. More recently, mass democratic movements have fought for new laws and policies, such as the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act (PESA), the Forest Rights Act, the right to work and the right to food, in addition to earlier laws like the Minimum Wages Act, the Restoration of Alienated Lands Acts, and land reform and moneylending laws. These laws make it possible for people to fight for greater control over their lives, their livelihoods, their lands and their forests. However these laws are respected more in the breach; if the government wants “development”, let it first stop the blatant disregard of its own laws. Let people determine the path of their own development, in accordance with their rights over their resources and the type of infrastructure they desire. The Constitution itself requires this kind of planning. The claim that “development” can be provided through military force is both absurd and ridiculous.
• This war is not about “national security”; it is about ‘securing’ the interests of global and Indian capital and big business. Any government worried about security would send its troops against mining mafias, the forest mafias, violent vigilante groups like the salwa judum and others. Rather than being curbed, these killers are in fact supported by the police. Have the security forces ever been deployed to defend the people struggling to protect themselves, their forests, their livelihoods and their futures? The answer is no. The notion of “security” being advanced by the government clearly has nothing to do with the people. Rather, it is to enable big business to engage in robbery and expropriation of resources, which they have decided will be one of their main sources of accumulation. Hence, mining, “infrastructure”, real estate, land grabbing, all aimed at super-profits, are being projected as “development” needed by the people. Huge amounts of international and government money are being pumped into so-called “forestry projects” which displace people from their lands and destroy biodiversity (even while they are trumpeted as a strategy for climate change). The UPA is rushing into agreements with the US and other imperial countries to throw open mining and land to international exploitation. But where do the forests, land, water and minerals lie? They are found in the forest and tribal areas, where people - some organised under the CPI (Maoist), some organized under democratic movements, some in spontaneous local struggles, some simply fighting in whatever manner they can – are resisting the destruction of their homes, resources and their lives. The “offensive against the Maoists” is only a subterfuge to crush this citizens’ resistance and to provide an excuse for more abuse of power, more brutality and more injustice.
• The government knows perfectly well that it cannot destroy the CPI (Maoist), or any people's struggle, through military action. How can the armed forces identify who is a “Maoist” and who is not? The use of brute military force will result in the slaughter of thousands of people in prolonged, bloody and brutal guerrilla warfare. This has been the result of every “security offensive” in India's history from Kashmir to Nagaland. So why do this? And why now? Unless the goal has nothing to do with “wiping out the Maoists” and everything to do with having an excuse for the permanent presence of lakhs of troops, arms and equipment in these areas. To protect and serve whom?
• Hence the need for fear mongering and hysteria about Maoist “sympathisers” and their “infiltration” into “civil society.” The government has a very long history of labeling any form of dissent as “Naxalite” or “Maoist.” The Maoists' politics are known; their positions are public; the only secret aspect of their work is their personal identities and military tactics. We who work in these areas do not fear this bogey of “infiltration” in our groups by Maoists, for the different stands taken by our organizations and theirs are clear, and in some areas there are open disputes. This scaremongering is just an excuse to justify a crackdown on all forms of dissent and democratic protest in these areas, a crushing of all people's resistance, and the branding of any questioning, any demand for justice, as “Maoist.”
In the final analysis, peace and justice will only come to India's workers, peasants, adivasis, dalits and other oppressed sections through the mass democratic struggle of the people. A democratic struggle requires democratic space. The conversion of a region into a war zone, by anyone, is unacceptable. In the forest areas in particular, there is now a need for a new peace, one that can only be achieved through a genuine democratic dialogue between the political forces involved. For this to happen, this horrific “offensive” must first be called off. If the government really wishes to claim that it is committed to protecting people and their rights, let its actions comply with the requirements of law, justice and democracy.
The following are members of the Campaign for Survival and Dignity:
Bharat Jan Andolan, National Front for Tribal Self Rule, Jangal Adhikar Sangharsh Samiti (Mah), Adivasi Mahasabha (Guj), Adivasi Jangal Janjeevan Andolan (D&NH), Jangal Jameen Jan Andolan (Raj), Madhya Pradesh Jangal Jeevan Adhikar Bachao Andolan, Jan Shakti Sanghatan (Chat), Peoples Alliance for Livelihood Rights, Chattisgarh Mukti Morcha, Orissa Jan Sangharsh Morcha, Campaign for Survival & Dignity (Ori), Orissa Jan Adhikar Morcha, Adivasi Aikya Vedike (AP), Campaign for Survival and Dignity – TN, Bharat Jan Andolan (Jhar).
12 October, 2009
A Facebook tragedy
Kathleen Mary O’Brien, an American national, was found dead on Sunday in the Kolkata flat of Rohan Prakash Yellore, whom she had befriended on Facebook, according to a report in The Hindu.
The newspaper’s reporter, Ananya Dutta quoted a police officer as saying, “Since there are no injuries on the body, it is believed that she may have died of cardiac arrest, but we are waiting for the post-mortem report before we ruled out any foul play.”
The newspaper’s reporter, Ananya Dutta quoted a police officer as saying, “Since there are no injuries on the body, it is believed that she may have died of cardiac arrest, but we are waiting for the post-mortem report before we ruled out any foul play.”
06 October, 2009
Call to stop multinational’s field trial of genetically modified corn in MP
The Coalition for Genetically Modified (GM) Free Madhya Pradesh has written to Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chauhan to intervene and stop the field trial being conducted by the American multinational company Monsanto in Jabalpur. The following is the text of the letter, which has been circulated by the Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong:
Respected Chief Minister,
A prominent newspaper had recently carried a detailed story on the field trial of a Genetically Modified (GM) Corn of the American multinational company Monsanto being conducted in Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh. Your respected self might be aware of the serious concerns that many nations and citizens across the world have, with regard to GM technology in our food and farming.
Based on a permission letter issued by the Department of Biotechnology’s RCGM on 19th June 2009 (Ltr No.BT/BS/17/44/97-PID) for an open air trial of Monsanto’s transgenic corn hybrid (HiShell and 900M Gold containing MON 89034 event and NK603 event), a Jabalpur institute (National Research Centre for Weed Science) had gone ahead with the planting of this GM corn trial in Jabalpur.
We have several serious concerns with regard to this trial in terms of its need, biosafety issues and the corporation for which this trial is being conducted (Monsanto is the world’s largest seed company and it is to further the commercial interests of this corporation that this trial is being conducted).
1. We question the very need for this herbicide-tolerant, pest-resistant GM technology that is being tried out here: Herbicide tolerance trait inserted into our agricultural crops would mean that millions of poor agricultural workers will not find employment through de-weeding, one of the main sources of employment in rural India today. It does not make sense for the State to decimate existing employment opportunities in agriculture and then increase the state financing burden with regard to programmes like NREGA. Herbicide tolerance might be a technology suitable for countries like the USA, where only 2% of the population live off farming, but not for India.
When it comes to traits like insect resistance through Bt crops, it is obvious that this is not a sustainable solution since the pests will develop resistance to the Bt pesticide now being produced from within the plant and that pest management cannot rest on Bt genes being inserted in all our crops! There are hundreds of practices that are safer, affordable and natural that can be used by farmers to control pests in their farming and there are lakhs of farmers who are successfully proving it on the ground too. In such a case, where is the need for this technology in the first instance?
2. GM technology is known to cause various health impacts: Genetic Engineering or Genetic Modification is a technology that involves the insertion of foreign genes, most often, into our agricultural crops so that new traits that do not exist in the crop before could be obtained with this technology. However, given that many changes are brought about at the molecular level due to such forcible insertion of genetic material from elsewhere, the results are unpredictable and hazardous. Worse, given that we are talking about seeds which contain their own life within, this becomes an irreversible technology once released into the environment – the seeds that grow into plants have a self-propagating mechanism thereafter and are therefore, uncontrollable.
GM foods, in various experimental studies, have been shown to cause adverse health effects like allergies, impaired immune systems, damage to vital organs like kidneys, liver and pancreas, affecting and stunting growth and development, affecting reproductive health and causing infertility and even bringing about inter-generational impacts. Given the evidence that exists of such adverse impacts on our health with GM foods, a precautionary approach should be deployed on this technology and no deliberate release of any GMOs into our environment should be allowed.
3. Herbicides will leave their adverse impacts on our health too: In addition to the evidence on adverse health impacts due to the technology of genetic engineering, there is a growing body of evidence that shows the adverse impacts of chemical herbicides like Glyphosate on our health including on reproductive health. An increase of chemicals in our farming is not desirable at all from a health and environment perspective and we are sure you would agree on this, Sir.
4. Monsanto is a seed corporation known for its anti-farmer policies: Monsanto is known to have criminalized farmers in America for saving their own seeds. The company is reported to have sued and jailed many farmers for this “crime” of “saving their own seeds”. This company is known to have bribed officials to get regulatory clearances for its GM crop elsewhere and is known to have suppressed biosafety information from public scrutiny. A recent documentary from France has documented the antecedents of this giant corporation seeking more and more profits and has shown that Monsanto controls the regulatory bodies in the USA through systems like “revolving doors”. This profit-hungry corporation, which is reported to have announced that “No food shall be grown that we don’t own”, has also been seen to have avoided accountability and liability time and again through a variety of strategies including using Indian corporations and public sector agencies as the front. Why should such an anti-farmer profiteering company be allowed to advance its commercial interests through hazardous technologies in the state of Madhya Pradesh?
5. No SBCC that is functional: The newspaper report about this field trial on 3rd September clearly shows that the state administration is not aware of this trial and this is a violation of the Environment Protection Act’s 1989 Rules. The State Biotechnology Coordination Committee is obviously not functional and is not overseeing the trial as the law requires it to.
6. Contamination from such trials is inevitable: The fact that illegal Bt Cotton proliferated in this country on thousands of acres much before a formal approval was provided by the regulators and the fact that a GM rice trial a few months ago in Jharkhand is found to have contaminated rice plants in the vicinity of the trial are testimonies to the fact that contamination (both physical and biological) from such open air trials are inevitable and therefore, the MP government should step in to stop such trials from taking place in its jurisdiction.
7. Agriculture and Health are state subjects: The Constitution of India vests the state governments with rights and responsibilities over two very important subjects concerning their citizens: Agriculture and Health. Other states have exercised such a constitutional right and responsibility by disallowing GM crop trials and cultivation in their state. A prominent example includes Kerala which has declared itself a GM-Free and Organic state. Madhya Pradesh government, under your dynamic leadership should take such a stand too, in pursuance of the authority vested by the Constitution of India.
8. Madhya Pradesh as an Organic State: You had announced that Madhya Pradesh would be converted into an organic state which would keep the natural resources of the state free from erosion, degeneration and contamination even as livelihoods of farmers and farm workers would improve through increase in their net incomes and their health. We welcome this approach of the state government and strongly support this initiative which would assure safe and abundant food for all in a sustainable manner. However, organic and GM cultivation are contradictory to each other in their philosophical and technical frameworks and therefore, GM cultivation should be disallowed in the state. Further, formal (certified) organic farming does not allow the presence of GM in its standards.
Moreover, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has in its manifesto clearly laid down the potential of Indian traditional farming and had taken an express stand against approvals of GM crops in the country without full scientific data on long term effects and this precisely what is missing right now in India even as field trials are being allowed which pose a distinct threat of contamination and irreversible leakage of seeds as has been seen in the case of Bt Cotton. The BJP in its manifesto had promised to promote nature-friendly cultivation, even as you had assured to free farmers from the burden of mounting debts (through intensive farming models).
It is in this context that we hope that you would concede to the demand of farmers’ organizations, people’s movements, consumers and other civil society organizations to immediately intervene with regard to the GM Corn trial of Monsanto being conducted in open air conditions in Jabalpur and stop it. Further, we request you to announce a policy of making Madhya Pradesh free of GM crops/foods in keeping with your overall agricultural policy.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
Coalition for GM Free Madhya Pradesh
C/0 Sampark, Village Raipurai, Petlavad Block, Jhabua District,
Madhya Pradesh, INDIA
0952532922,
ndesai52@gmail.com
Copy: National Commission on Farmers
Respected Chief Minister,
A prominent newspaper had recently carried a detailed story on the field trial of a Genetically Modified (GM) Corn of the American multinational company Monsanto being conducted in Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh. Your respected self might be aware of the serious concerns that many nations and citizens across the world have, with regard to GM technology in our food and farming.
Based on a permission letter issued by the Department of Biotechnology’s RCGM on 19th June 2009 (Ltr No.BT/BS/17/44/97-PID) for an open air trial of Monsanto’s transgenic corn hybrid (HiShell and 900M Gold containing MON 89034 event and NK603 event), a Jabalpur institute (National Research Centre for Weed Science) had gone ahead with the planting of this GM corn trial in Jabalpur.
We have several serious concerns with regard to this trial in terms of its need, biosafety issues and the corporation for which this trial is being conducted (Monsanto is the world’s largest seed company and it is to further the commercial interests of this corporation that this trial is being conducted).
1. We question the very need for this herbicide-tolerant, pest-resistant GM technology that is being tried out here: Herbicide tolerance trait inserted into our agricultural crops would mean that millions of poor agricultural workers will not find employment through de-weeding, one of the main sources of employment in rural India today. It does not make sense for the State to decimate existing employment opportunities in agriculture and then increase the state financing burden with regard to programmes like NREGA. Herbicide tolerance might be a technology suitable for countries like the USA, where only 2% of the population live off farming, but not for India.
When it comes to traits like insect resistance through Bt crops, it is obvious that this is not a sustainable solution since the pests will develop resistance to the Bt pesticide now being produced from within the plant and that pest management cannot rest on Bt genes being inserted in all our crops! There are hundreds of practices that are safer, affordable and natural that can be used by farmers to control pests in their farming and there are lakhs of farmers who are successfully proving it on the ground too. In such a case, where is the need for this technology in the first instance?
2. GM technology is known to cause various health impacts: Genetic Engineering or Genetic Modification is a technology that involves the insertion of foreign genes, most often, into our agricultural crops so that new traits that do not exist in the crop before could be obtained with this technology. However, given that many changes are brought about at the molecular level due to such forcible insertion of genetic material from elsewhere, the results are unpredictable and hazardous. Worse, given that we are talking about seeds which contain their own life within, this becomes an irreversible technology once released into the environment – the seeds that grow into plants have a self-propagating mechanism thereafter and are therefore, uncontrollable.
GM foods, in various experimental studies, have been shown to cause adverse health effects like allergies, impaired immune systems, damage to vital organs like kidneys, liver and pancreas, affecting and stunting growth and development, affecting reproductive health and causing infertility and even bringing about inter-generational impacts. Given the evidence that exists of such adverse impacts on our health with GM foods, a precautionary approach should be deployed on this technology and no deliberate release of any GMOs into our environment should be allowed.
3. Herbicides will leave their adverse impacts on our health too: In addition to the evidence on adverse health impacts due to the technology of genetic engineering, there is a growing body of evidence that shows the adverse impacts of chemical herbicides like Glyphosate on our health including on reproductive health. An increase of chemicals in our farming is not desirable at all from a health and environment perspective and we are sure you would agree on this, Sir.
4. Monsanto is a seed corporation known for its anti-farmer policies: Monsanto is known to have criminalized farmers in America for saving their own seeds. The company is reported to have sued and jailed many farmers for this “crime” of “saving their own seeds”. This company is known to have bribed officials to get regulatory clearances for its GM crop elsewhere and is known to have suppressed biosafety information from public scrutiny. A recent documentary from France has documented the antecedents of this giant corporation seeking more and more profits and has shown that Monsanto controls the regulatory bodies in the USA through systems like “revolving doors”. This profit-hungry corporation, which is reported to have announced that “No food shall be grown that we don’t own”, has also been seen to have avoided accountability and liability time and again through a variety of strategies including using Indian corporations and public sector agencies as the front. Why should such an anti-farmer profiteering company be allowed to advance its commercial interests through hazardous technologies in the state of Madhya Pradesh?
5. No SBCC that is functional: The newspaper report about this field trial on 3rd September clearly shows that the state administration is not aware of this trial and this is a violation of the Environment Protection Act’s 1989 Rules. The State Biotechnology Coordination Committee is obviously not functional and is not overseeing the trial as the law requires it to.
6. Contamination from such trials is inevitable: The fact that illegal Bt Cotton proliferated in this country on thousands of acres much before a formal approval was provided by the regulators and the fact that a GM rice trial a few months ago in Jharkhand is found to have contaminated rice plants in the vicinity of the trial are testimonies to the fact that contamination (both physical and biological) from such open air trials are inevitable and therefore, the MP government should step in to stop such trials from taking place in its jurisdiction.
7. Agriculture and Health are state subjects: The Constitution of India vests the state governments with rights and responsibilities over two very important subjects concerning their citizens: Agriculture and Health. Other states have exercised such a constitutional right and responsibility by disallowing GM crop trials and cultivation in their state. A prominent example includes Kerala which has declared itself a GM-Free and Organic state. Madhya Pradesh government, under your dynamic leadership should take such a stand too, in pursuance of the authority vested by the Constitution of India.
8. Madhya Pradesh as an Organic State: You had announced that Madhya Pradesh would be converted into an organic state which would keep the natural resources of the state free from erosion, degeneration and contamination even as livelihoods of farmers and farm workers would improve through increase in their net incomes and their health. We welcome this approach of the state government and strongly support this initiative which would assure safe and abundant food for all in a sustainable manner. However, organic and GM cultivation are contradictory to each other in their philosophical and technical frameworks and therefore, GM cultivation should be disallowed in the state. Further, formal (certified) organic farming does not allow the presence of GM in its standards.
Moreover, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has in its manifesto clearly laid down the potential of Indian traditional farming and had taken an express stand against approvals of GM crops in the country without full scientific data on long term effects and this precisely what is missing right now in India even as field trials are being allowed which pose a distinct threat of contamination and irreversible leakage of seeds as has been seen in the case of Bt Cotton. The BJP in its manifesto had promised to promote nature-friendly cultivation, even as you had assured to free farmers from the burden of mounting debts (through intensive farming models).
It is in this context that we hope that you would concede to the demand of farmers’ organizations, people’s movements, consumers and other civil society organizations to immediately intervene with regard to the GM Corn trial of Monsanto being conducted in open air conditions in Jabalpur and stop it. Further, we request you to announce a policy of making Madhya Pradesh free of GM crops/foods in keeping with your overall agricultural policy.
Thank you.
Sincerely,
Coalition for GM Free Madhya Pradesh
C/0 Sampark, Village Raipurai, Petlavad Block, Jhabua District,
Madhya Pradesh, INDIA
0952532922,
ndesai52@gmail.com
Copy: National Commission on Farmers
03 October, 2009
South Asian organizations must be more active against caste-based discrimination
Human rights organizations working against caste-based discrimination in the region must engage in debates on the need for a comprehensive UN framework to tackle caste- based discrimination and should encourage affected governments to support such initiative at the UN level. This is the response from the Asian Human Rights Commission and The International Dalit Solidarity Network to the recent media attention following a parallel meeting at the 12th session of the Human Rights Council.
There have been several attempts by institutions, for instance the UN, to address the problem of caste internationally. However, there have so far been very few effective interventions to address caste based discrimination internationally owing to political pressure and regional dynamics.
International attempts to recognise caste discrimination as a human rights violation have been 'diplomatically softened' owing to objections mostly by governments, particularly by the Government of India. Of particular relevance is the objection by India to consider caste based discrimination as a form of blatant human rights violation coming within the sweep of international instruments, for instance, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Bangladesh are parties to this convention.
Of the five countries, India has remained the most active opponent of having caste-based discrimination included within the scope of the ICERD. The convention in its sweep, however, cover caste-based discrimination as a form of human rights violation based on descent. India's leading role in lobbying states against this view has been a subject of criticism within India.
On September 16 however, Nepal broke the ranks of states opposing the consideration of caste based discrimination as a serious human rights violation within the sweep of international human rights law. In a parallel event organized at the UN in Geneva, sponsored by The International Movement against all forms of Discrimination and Racism and co-sponsored by Human Rights Watch, Anti-Slavery International, Minority Rights Group International, The Lutheran World Federation, The World Council of Churches and Pax Romana/ICMICA in association with the International Dalit Solidarity Network, Nepal's State Minister for Ministry of General Administration, Mr. Jeet Bahadur Darjee Gautam said that his county welcomed the idea that the proposed draft principles and guidelines sponsored by the UN, would augment collective efforts of the international community, regional and international mechanisms, the UN and its organs, international civil society and the private sector to contribute to the elimination of caste based discrimination. The proceedings of the event and ensuing debates are available here.
Soon an article appeared in The Times of India titled 'UN set to treat caste as human rights violation'. While the article is slightly misleading, since caste-based discrimination is already considered as a form of human rights violation in international law, it speaks about the possibility of Government of India's objections of bringing caste-based discrimination as a subject for international debate, especially at the UN. In addition, the BBC World Service aired a 50 minute live radio debate on caste discrimination on September 29. A BBC blog has been established to debate further on this issue. This has created a vigorous debate on the internationalization of the issue of caste-based discrimination with contributions from all over the world. Another interesting debate is taking place on the Readers' Opinions page of The Times of India.
The response by the Government of India regarding this debate is eagerly awaited. But chances are, instead of viewing caste from a wrong point of view as a tool for 'Indian bashing' the government will show its maturity by contributing positively towards addressing the centuries-old practice of caste based discrimination. India's Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, has repeatedly expressed his view, that he and his government condemn caste based discrimination.
On September 7, Dr. Singh while inaugurating a new scheme intended for the Scheduled Castes in India, the Pradhanmantri Aadarsh Gram Yojna, said that much more need to be done at the domestic level on prevention of manual scavenging and the rehabilitation of manual scavengers. Manual scavenging is an evil practice in India rooted in caste based discrimination, where members of the Dalit communities are forced to work as manual scavengers.
While waiting for a response from other states in the region, particularly India, regarding the debate triggered off by the statement made by Mr. Jeet Bahadur Darjee Gautam on September 16, it is important for human rights organisations working against caste based discrimination in the region to make use of the new momentum to engage in debates against caste based discrimination. Such participation will further encourage the Government of India to take a positive position on the issue and support the initiative at the UN.
Caste discrimination – in context
Caste based discrimination is one of the worst forms of human rights violation known to humans. The widely accepted period of the origin of the inhuman practice dates back at least three thousand years. It is still actively practiced in societies following religious hierarchy, particularly among the Hindus. For this reason, the practice is mostly concentrated in regions influenced by the Hindu religion, in particular, countries like India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.
The concept of caste is stratification of society based on purity of origin and thus duties defined by birth to a particular caste group. It is a defining tool to cast obligatory duty on people that could not be taken away. The worst form of discrimination in caste is the practice of untouchability. Those who are worst affected by caste based discrimination are the members of the lowest group in the Brahminical hierarchy, including those considered to be outside the four Varna system of caste. This large group, more known as Dalits, is estimated to be slightly more than 250 million in number globally.
The closest comparison to discrimination based on caste is slavery. Caste based discrimination is however worse than slavery. This argument is crystallised in Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's statement comparing caste and slavery when he said, "either slavery nor untouchability is a free social order. But if a distinction is made, and there is no doubt that there is distinction between the two, the test is whether education, virtue, happiness, culture and wealth is possible within slavery or within untouchability. Judged by this test it is beyond controversy that slavery is hundred times better than untouchability. In slavery there is room for education, virtue, happiness, culture or wealth. In untouchability there is none". Dr. Ambedkar is the father of the Indian constitution.
Within India, there have been continuous attempts to address the problem of caste based discrimination. For instance, the practice of untouchability is prohibited in the constitution. The Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 criminalises untouchability, social ostracism based on caste and various other forms of caste based discrimination. The courts in India have also on several occasions adjudicated issues based on caste, often in favour of the Dalits and other lower caste groups. However, the practice of caste based discrimination still continues in India.
Source: AHRC
There have been several attempts by institutions, for instance the UN, to address the problem of caste internationally. However, there have so far been very few effective interventions to address caste based discrimination internationally owing to political pressure and regional dynamics.
International attempts to recognise caste discrimination as a human rights violation have been 'diplomatically softened' owing to objections mostly by governments, particularly by the Government of India. Of particular relevance is the objection by India to consider caste based discrimination as a form of blatant human rights violation coming within the sweep of international instruments, for instance, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Bangladesh are parties to this convention.
Of the five countries, India has remained the most active opponent of having caste-based discrimination included within the scope of the ICERD. The convention in its sweep, however, cover caste-based discrimination as a form of human rights violation based on descent. India's leading role in lobbying states against this view has been a subject of criticism within India.
On September 16 however, Nepal broke the ranks of states opposing the consideration of caste based discrimination as a serious human rights violation within the sweep of international human rights law. In a parallel event organized at the UN in Geneva, sponsored by The International Movement against all forms of Discrimination and Racism and co-sponsored by Human Rights Watch, Anti-Slavery International, Minority Rights Group International, The Lutheran World Federation, The World Council of Churches and Pax Romana/ICMICA in association with the International Dalit Solidarity Network, Nepal's State Minister for Ministry of General Administration, Mr. Jeet Bahadur Darjee Gautam said that his county welcomed the idea that the proposed draft principles and guidelines sponsored by the UN, would augment collective efforts of the international community, regional and international mechanisms, the UN and its organs, international civil society and the private sector to contribute to the elimination of caste based discrimination. The proceedings of the event and ensuing debates are available here.
Soon an article appeared in The Times of India titled 'UN set to treat caste as human rights violation'. While the article is slightly misleading, since caste-based discrimination is already considered as a form of human rights violation in international law, it speaks about the possibility of Government of India's objections of bringing caste-based discrimination as a subject for international debate, especially at the UN. In addition, the BBC World Service aired a 50 minute live radio debate on caste discrimination on September 29. A BBC blog has been established to debate further on this issue. This has created a vigorous debate on the internationalization of the issue of caste-based discrimination with contributions from all over the world. Another interesting debate is taking place on the Readers' Opinions page of The Times of India.
The response by the Government of India regarding this debate is eagerly awaited. But chances are, instead of viewing caste from a wrong point of view as a tool for 'Indian bashing' the government will show its maturity by contributing positively towards addressing the centuries-old practice of caste based discrimination. India's Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh, has repeatedly expressed his view, that he and his government condemn caste based discrimination.
On September 7, Dr. Singh while inaugurating a new scheme intended for the Scheduled Castes in India, the Pradhanmantri Aadarsh Gram Yojna, said that much more need to be done at the domestic level on prevention of manual scavenging and the rehabilitation of manual scavengers. Manual scavenging is an evil practice in India rooted in caste based discrimination, where members of the Dalit communities are forced to work as manual scavengers.
While waiting for a response from other states in the region, particularly India, regarding the debate triggered off by the statement made by Mr. Jeet Bahadur Darjee Gautam on September 16, it is important for human rights organisations working against caste based discrimination in the region to make use of the new momentum to engage in debates against caste based discrimination. Such participation will further encourage the Government of India to take a positive position on the issue and support the initiative at the UN.
Caste discrimination – in context
Caste based discrimination is one of the worst forms of human rights violation known to humans. The widely accepted period of the origin of the inhuman practice dates back at least three thousand years. It is still actively practiced in societies following religious hierarchy, particularly among the Hindus. For this reason, the practice is mostly concentrated in regions influenced by the Hindu religion, in particular, countries like India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.
The concept of caste is stratification of society based on purity of origin and thus duties defined by birth to a particular caste group. It is a defining tool to cast obligatory duty on people that could not be taken away. The worst form of discrimination in caste is the practice of untouchability. Those who are worst affected by caste based discrimination are the members of the lowest group in the Brahminical hierarchy, including those considered to be outside the four Varna system of caste. This large group, more known as Dalits, is estimated to be slightly more than 250 million in number globally.
The closest comparison to discrimination based on caste is slavery. Caste based discrimination is however worse than slavery. This argument is crystallised in Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's statement comparing caste and slavery when he said, "either slavery nor untouchability is a free social order. But if a distinction is made, and there is no doubt that there is distinction between the two, the test is whether education, virtue, happiness, culture and wealth is possible within slavery or within untouchability. Judged by this test it is beyond controversy that slavery is hundred times better than untouchability. In slavery there is room for education, virtue, happiness, culture or wealth. In untouchability there is none". Dr. Ambedkar is the father of the Indian constitution.
Within India, there have been continuous attempts to address the problem of caste based discrimination. For instance, the practice of untouchability is prohibited in the constitution. The Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 and the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 criminalises untouchability, social ostracism based on caste and various other forms of caste based discrimination. The courts in India have also on several occasions adjudicated issues based on caste, often in favour of the Dalits and other lower caste groups. However, the practice of caste based discrimination still continues in India.
Source: AHRC
02 October, 2009
District administration bans communal harmony programme at Ayodhya
The following is a statement issued by Sandeep Pandey and four others:
Ayodhya ki Awaz and Asha Parivar were to organize a Sarva Dharma Sadhbhav Sammelan like every year on the occasion of Gandhi Jayanti. This time the programme was scheduled to be held on October 1 at Ram-Janki Mandir, of which Jugul Kishore Shashtriji is the Mahant. But the Faizabad district administration cooked up a false allegation that a CD containing the controversial Gorakhpur MP Yogi Adityanath's speech was going to be screened at the programme and banned the programme itself.
Jugul Kishore Shashtri was taken by the police to the Pura Kalandar police station, 30 km from Ayodhya, so that he could not organize the programme in any way. The decision of the organizers was that if permission for the outdoor programme was not given then a meeting should be held indoors without a loudspeaker.
Members from Christian, Buddhist, Muslim and Hindu communities had assembled from various places at Shashtriji's temple to take part in the programme as in previous years. Ayodhay ki Awaz, Asha Parivar and NAPM have been organizing programmes every January 30, October 2 and December 6 in Ayodhya to strengthen the forces in favour of communal harmony and peace. Just last month (on September 24) Shashtriji had oranized an Id-milan programme in Faizabad.
A former District Magistrate, Amod Kumar, has even participated in some of the programmes of Ayodhya ki Awaz. But this time the district administration showed its communal colour and based on a false charge banned the programme and detained Shashtriji for the entire day. Shashtri was released in the evening.
We strongly condemn this act of the district administration of Faizabad to gag the right to expression and indirectly favour the communal forces.
Sandeep Pandey,
Faisal Khan,
Father Anand,
Father Baptist,
Bhante Tejankar Deep
Ayodhya, October 1, 2009
Note:
Jugul Kishore Shashtri may be contacted at 0-9451730269
Sandeep Pandey may be contacted at
Ayodhya ki Awaz and Asha Parivar were to organize a Sarva Dharma Sadhbhav Sammelan like every year on the occasion of Gandhi Jayanti. This time the programme was scheduled to be held on October 1 at Ram-Janki Mandir, of which Jugul Kishore Shashtriji is the Mahant. But the Faizabad district administration cooked up a false allegation that a CD containing the controversial Gorakhpur MP Yogi Adityanath's speech was going to be screened at the programme and banned the programme itself.
Jugul Kishore Shashtri was taken by the police to the Pura Kalandar police station, 30 km from Ayodhya, so that he could not organize the programme in any way. The decision of the organizers was that if permission for the outdoor programme was not given then a meeting should be held indoors without a loudspeaker.
Members from Christian, Buddhist, Muslim and Hindu communities had assembled from various places at Shashtriji's temple to take part in the programme as in previous years. Ayodhay ki Awaz, Asha Parivar and NAPM have been organizing programmes every January 30, October 2 and December 6 in Ayodhya to strengthen the forces in favour of communal harmony and peace. Just last month (on September 24) Shashtriji had oranized an Id-milan programme in Faizabad.
A former District Magistrate, Amod Kumar, has even participated in some of the programmes of Ayodhya ki Awaz. But this time the district administration showed its communal colour and based on a false charge banned the programme and detained Shashtriji for the entire day. Shashtri was released in the evening.
We strongly condemn this act of the district administration of Faizabad to gag the right to expression and indirectly favour the communal forces.
Sandeep Pandey,
Faisal Khan,
Father Anand,
Father Baptist,
Bhante Tejankar Deep
Ayodhya, October 1, 2009
Note:
Jugul Kishore Shashtri may be contacted at 0-9451730269
Sandeep Pandey may be contacted at
01 October, 2009
India needs an independent-minded news and analysis channel
By TREVOR SELVAM
Countercurrents.org
For the past several years I have watched -- with some amusement, some intrigue and some sneaking admiration -- the avaricious style of India’s advent into the CNN and SkyNews style of journalism.
I say avaricious, because Indians like to eat up everything they can watch, feel or hear. Like ice cream. If they could, they would eat up a flat panel TV set, right off the wall mounting, with cable, bolts and everything. Including Arnab Goswami, while he would be carrying on his mendacious, Fox-style blather.
India needs an independent-minded new channel. I am emphasizing the word Minded, because there is a wealth of minds in India, who are not being interviewed, asked to comment on critical issues.
Indians love two phrases to describe themselves. One is the collective version of Me, Me, Me Too-ism (more like Us too-ism), which drives most TV anchors to emulate a mode that makes a mockery of mimicry itself. We can do it too! Whatever they do, we will do also!
The problem is that neither CNN, nor Skynews, nor MSNBC are symbolic of any sober journalistic standards. The BBC, somewhat abstemious and even pious by contrast, is after all a preserver of a post-colonial dignity in the face of American trashiness. If there is any news and analysis channel that stands out for putting out sober, dignified and reflective journalism, it is Al Jazeera. And Indian journalists are not looking at Al Jazeera for inspiration, for sure.
In my columns before, I have stated my admiration for the significantly serious journalism of Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera sends out its correspondents to the farthest corners of the world, to investigate the conditions people live in. From the remotest mountains in the Andes, the forest of the Amazons, to the backwaters of Louisiana and to the Uighur areas of China. Al Jazeera even does a report on Kolkata rickshaw pullers, which one would be hard pressed to find on an Indian channel. Their journalists are extraordinarily articulate, nuanced and non-partisan. They also handle all the hot potato items one can imagine, being based in an Islamic country.
And the other phrase is “We are like that only!” The latter is used, when glaring contradictions in behaviour, in consumption patterns, in national key statistics regarding poverty, literacy, the violence of the police forces are compared to India’s recent stratospheric conquests and claims to apostolic notions of non-violence. “We are like that only.” In other words, take us for what we are. Complex, unexplainable, contradictory and fitting right into the mould of the exotic and the mysterious--an enigma and a stereotype that is beyond classification.
Well, that enigma is actually turning out to be tattered at the edges, quite flaky, quite dangerous and quite an affront to the majority of India’s population that live in that swathe of the country that is beginning to be called the Naxalite corridor. This corridor has India’s best sources of water and therefore power, mining resources, precious metals and ah yes! The aboriginal people of India live here. With the Dalits, they are one fourth of India’s population. Has anybody figured out what would happen if these people got really mad and energized, because they have finally found someone who will fight with them? Urban India better start figuring things out soon.
Indians like the boom-bang, dhoom-dhamaka style of journalism. The journalism that combines doe-eyed twenty-five year old journalists asking seemingly penetrating questions about nothing, to incoherent reporters in the field, while in the background, war-drum like sounds continue with swishy computer graphics that fly in and out in accompaniment with the sound track. The reporters themselves have gone from the realm of hard core comedy to an outright parody of live journalism..
The latest was when while reporting on Lalgarh, a young journalist in a near panic stricken voice kept asking his cameramen to zoom in on a forest in the distance saying “anytime the Maoists could come out from there and anytime I could be stepping on a mine. That is how dangerous it is.” Meanwhile an Adivasi man sauntered by the camera with a tangi ( the double edged curved hatchet that Adivasis have used forever) resting on his shoulders and very casually sidestepping a distraught looking CRPF soldier who was staring into the jungle in the distance.
Suddenly, we have a generation of people using the new media, who have not been exposed to the facts of India’s political history, pre-independence and post-independence. If these journalists do not know who Bhagat Singh or Khudiram were and why they were executed by the British Empire, if they do not know anything about the Santhal rebellion and Sidhu and Kanu, if they do not know what happened in Telengana and Tebhaga, long before Naxalbari, how can they ask the right questions about what is happening in Lalgarh?
The government of India has cleverly planted the debates in the media. So, for a while the Indian nation will be discussing development first or law and order, first? So there is the KPS Gill and CPI(M)/BJP school of parliamentary intellectualism that will insist on the rule of law. And then the ruling Congress will come out swinging and looking good, saying “Uh! Uh! We will not call in the Army on the Maoists! It is a development problem and we shall bring in the water, the schools, and the clinics and by the way we are mopping up the Maoists alongside.”
So, the debate of whether the Government of India should be “development centric” or “security centric” will meander along into an insipid ending and quietly the paramilitary operations will proceed with ruthless speed. And the TV anchormen and women will hum and haw and go on to the next debate, which could be on the topic of “Corruption in the Police” or some other insanely hackneyed issue.
Other than the newsmagazine Tehelka, it seems none of the mainstream news journals select particularly intelligent reporters, brief them accurately, when they send them out to missions in the interiors of India. Tehelka tends to go far beyond newspeak. They provide researched and investigated data. They seem to be away from bombastic soundbytes.
Shoma Choudhury, writing in the October 3 issue of Tehelka Magazine states the following --“Over this past year, the Home Ministry has been planning a major armed offensive against the Naxals, particularly in Chhattisgarh. According to reports, the plan involves stationing around 75,000 troops in the heartland of India — including special CRPF commandos, the ITBP and the BSF. Scattered newspaper accounts have spoken of forces being withdrawn from Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast; there is also talk of bringing in the feared Rashtriya Rifles — a battalion created specially for counter-insurgency work — and the purchase of bomb trucks, bomb blankets, bomb baskets, and sophisticated new weaponry.” (Please take the time to read Shoma Choudhury at http://www.tehelka.com/story_
main42.asp?filename=Ne031009coverstory.asp)
Something big is afoot in India and none of the TV channels are talking about it. The Government of India is withdrawing forces from everywhere and getting set to attack its own people in its heartland area and nobody is talking about it? How can this be?
When Mr. Kobad Gandhy, the Maoist leader was recently arrested, an epidemic of sensationalist articles appeared discussing his pedigree, his jovial mannerisms, his Doon school education etc and then there was a dumbfounded notion of how a well-to-do Parsee family could produce a Naxalite? Well, wake up! Because 40 years ago, almost 80% of the Naxalites came from well-to-do or middle class families and invariably all had solid educational backgrounds..
Why don’t Indian news channels discuss violence? I am talking about the violence perpetrated by 62 years of Independence that still leaves 53% of India’s population below the poverty line? The violence of malnutrition, hunger, infanticide, femicide, where India rules the world in statistics? Do Indian journalists like Vikram Chandra have the balls to rise to the occasion and demand a discussion on the violence of the state? Of course not!
I have never seen any journalism anywhere in the world, where such a large mass movement of aboriginal first-nation peoples are seen by the mainstream media with such racist distance and only in terms of incidents, party statements, interviews and dailyspeak.
What India needs is a renaissance in the realm of journalism and intellectual analysis. Folks who have been there and done it all, who are professionals, doctors, lawyers, journalists, engineers, artists, judges (especially those who were witness to the carnage in the 60s and 70s) to step forward and make that climb over the hump and point out that horizon that is beyond this Karat-Biman Bose-Montek-Chidambaran-BJP world.
India needs an independent voice, an independent network and the class who can finance it. Yes, a nationalist bourgeoisie would be good. People who have a soul, have a mind and wish to contribute their resources to an India that will really shine! Because no matter how many articles we write, how many letters we sign, Indians are already in the newsbyte snapshot evening news and blackberry breaking news mode and unless you have a restrained analytical feature programming channel, Indian TV journalism remains in the dark ages with a lot of techno features and sound effects but no light, no investigative ability when it comes to the political terrain of India. One must ask ourselves why that is so? Are they afraid of the Indian government?
Trevor Selvam is a freelance journalist, based in Chennai. He can be reached at trevorselvam@yahoo.in
Countercurrents.org
For the past several years I have watched -- with some amusement, some intrigue and some sneaking admiration -- the avaricious style of India’s advent into the CNN and SkyNews style of journalism.
I say avaricious, because Indians like to eat up everything they can watch, feel or hear. Like ice cream. If they could, they would eat up a flat panel TV set, right off the wall mounting, with cable, bolts and everything. Including Arnab Goswami, while he would be carrying on his mendacious, Fox-style blather.
India needs an independent-minded new channel. I am emphasizing the word Minded, because there is a wealth of minds in India, who are not being interviewed, asked to comment on critical issues.
Indians love two phrases to describe themselves. One is the collective version of Me, Me, Me Too-ism (more like Us too-ism), which drives most TV anchors to emulate a mode that makes a mockery of mimicry itself. We can do it too! Whatever they do, we will do also!
The problem is that neither CNN, nor Skynews, nor MSNBC are symbolic of any sober journalistic standards. The BBC, somewhat abstemious and even pious by contrast, is after all a preserver of a post-colonial dignity in the face of American trashiness. If there is any news and analysis channel that stands out for putting out sober, dignified and reflective journalism, it is Al Jazeera. And Indian journalists are not looking at Al Jazeera for inspiration, for sure.
In my columns before, I have stated my admiration for the significantly serious journalism of Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera sends out its correspondents to the farthest corners of the world, to investigate the conditions people live in. From the remotest mountains in the Andes, the forest of the Amazons, to the backwaters of Louisiana and to the Uighur areas of China. Al Jazeera even does a report on Kolkata rickshaw pullers, which one would be hard pressed to find on an Indian channel. Their journalists are extraordinarily articulate, nuanced and non-partisan. They also handle all the hot potato items one can imagine, being based in an Islamic country.
And the other phrase is “We are like that only!” The latter is used, when glaring contradictions in behaviour, in consumption patterns, in national key statistics regarding poverty, literacy, the violence of the police forces are compared to India’s recent stratospheric conquests and claims to apostolic notions of non-violence. “We are like that only.” In other words, take us for what we are. Complex, unexplainable, contradictory and fitting right into the mould of the exotic and the mysterious--an enigma and a stereotype that is beyond classification.
Well, that enigma is actually turning out to be tattered at the edges, quite flaky, quite dangerous and quite an affront to the majority of India’s population that live in that swathe of the country that is beginning to be called the Naxalite corridor. This corridor has India’s best sources of water and therefore power, mining resources, precious metals and ah yes! The aboriginal people of India live here. With the Dalits, they are one fourth of India’s population. Has anybody figured out what would happen if these people got really mad and energized, because they have finally found someone who will fight with them? Urban India better start figuring things out soon.
Indians like the boom-bang, dhoom-dhamaka style of journalism. The journalism that combines doe-eyed twenty-five year old journalists asking seemingly penetrating questions about nothing, to incoherent reporters in the field, while in the background, war-drum like sounds continue with swishy computer graphics that fly in and out in accompaniment with the sound track. The reporters themselves have gone from the realm of hard core comedy to an outright parody of live journalism..
The latest was when while reporting on Lalgarh, a young journalist in a near panic stricken voice kept asking his cameramen to zoom in on a forest in the distance saying “anytime the Maoists could come out from there and anytime I could be stepping on a mine. That is how dangerous it is.” Meanwhile an Adivasi man sauntered by the camera with a tangi ( the double edged curved hatchet that Adivasis have used forever) resting on his shoulders and very casually sidestepping a distraught looking CRPF soldier who was staring into the jungle in the distance.
Suddenly, we have a generation of people using the new media, who have not been exposed to the facts of India’s political history, pre-independence and post-independence. If these journalists do not know who Bhagat Singh or Khudiram were and why they were executed by the British Empire, if they do not know anything about the Santhal rebellion and Sidhu and Kanu, if they do not know what happened in Telengana and Tebhaga, long before Naxalbari, how can they ask the right questions about what is happening in Lalgarh?
The government of India has cleverly planted the debates in the media. So, for a while the Indian nation will be discussing development first or law and order, first? So there is the KPS Gill and CPI(M)/BJP school of parliamentary intellectualism that will insist on the rule of law. And then the ruling Congress will come out swinging and looking good, saying “Uh! Uh! We will not call in the Army on the Maoists! It is a development problem and we shall bring in the water, the schools, and the clinics and by the way we are mopping up the Maoists alongside.”
So, the debate of whether the Government of India should be “development centric” or “security centric” will meander along into an insipid ending and quietly the paramilitary operations will proceed with ruthless speed. And the TV anchormen and women will hum and haw and go on to the next debate, which could be on the topic of “Corruption in the Police” or some other insanely hackneyed issue.
Other than the newsmagazine Tehelka, it seems none of the mainstream news journals select particularly intelligent reporters, brief them accurately, when they send them out to missions in the interiors of India. Tehelka tends to go far beyond newspeak. They provide researched and investigated data. They seem to be away from bombastic soundbytes.
Shoma Choudhury, writing in the October 3 issue of Tehelka Magazine states the following --“Over this past year, the Home Ministry has been planning a major armed offensive against the Naxals, particularly in Chhattisgarh. According to reports, the plan involves stationing around 75,000 troops in the heartland of India — including special CRPF commandos, the ITBP and the BSF. Scattered newspaper accounts have spoken of forces being withdrawn from Jammu and Kashmir and the Northeast; there is also talk of bringing in the feared Rashtriya Rifles — a battalion created specially for counter-insurgency work — and the purchase of bomb trucks, bomb blankets, bomb baskets, and sophisticated new weaponry.” (Please take the time to read Shoma Choudhury at http://www.tehelka.com/story_
main42.asp?filename=Ne031009coverstory.asp)
Something big is afoot in India and none of the TV channels are talking about it. The Government of India is withdrawing forces from everywhere and getting set to attack its own people in its heartland area and nobody is talking about it? How can this be?
When Mr. Kobad Gandhy, the Maoist leader was recently arrested, an epidemic of sensationalist articles appeared discussing his pedigree, his jovial mannerisms, his Doon school education etc and then there was a dumbfounded notion of how a well-to-do Parsee family could produce a Naxalite? Well, wake up! Because 40 years ago, almost 80% of the Naxalites came from well-to-do or middle class families and invariably all had solid educational backgrounds..
Why don’t Indian news channels discuss violence? I am talking about the violence perpetrated by 62 years of Independence that still leaves 53% of India’s population below the poverty line? The violence of malnutrition, hunger, infanticide, femicide, where India rules the world in statistics? Do Indian journalists like Vikram Chandra have the balls to rise to the occasion and demand a discussion on the violence of the state? Of course not!
I have never seen any journalism anywhere in the world, where such a large mass movement of aboriginal first-nation peoples are seen by the mainstream media with such racist distance and only in terms of incidents, party statements, interviews and dailyspeak.
What India needs is a renaissance in the realm of journalism and intellectual analysis. Folks who have been there and done it all, who are professionals, doctors, lawyers, journalists, engineers, artists, judges (especially those who were witness to the carnage in the 60s and 70s) to step forward and make that climb over the hump and point out that horizon that is beyond this Karat-Biman Bose-Montek-Chidambaran-BJP world.
India needs an independent voice, an independent network and the class who can finance it. Yes, a nationalist bourgeoisie would be good. People who have a soul, have a mind and wish to contribute their resources to an India that will really shine! Because no matter how many articles we write, how many letters we sign, Indians are already in the newsbyte snapshot evening news and blackberry breaking news mode and unless you have a restrained analytical feature programming channel, Indian TV journalism remains in the dark ages with a lot of techno features and sound effects but no light, no investigative ability when it comes to the political terrain of India. One must ask ourselves why that is so? Are they afraid of the Indian government?
Trevor Selvam is a freelance journalist, based in Chennai. He can be reached at trevorselvam@yahoo.in
30 September, 2009
AHRC criticizes advertisement campaign against Naxalites
The following is a statement issued by the Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong:
A newspaper advertisement published by the Government of India on Sunday, September 20, 2009, reads 'Naxalites are nothing but cold-blooded criminals'. This advertisement is part of the government's intensified campaign to combat Naxalite activities in the country. It comes a few weeks after the Prime Minister's declaration--later confirmed by the Union Home Minister--that Naxalite activities are the single largest threat to India’s security.
Naxalite cadres in India have repeatedly resorted to violence, and their armed campaigns have resulted in loss of life and property. Their activities have intensified over the past five years, particularly affecting the entire eastern corridor; the states of Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and parts of Orissa, Kerala and Madhya Pradesh.
While exact data regarding Naxalite activities, including its manpower, is limited, it is estimated that at least 63 districts in the country are seriously affected. There is also no clear information regarding the movement’s sources of financial and logistical support. What is clear however, is the movement’s intense operations in India’s tribal areas. It is no coincidence that these areas are the most neglected and exploited parts of the country.
These are the areas where the poorest of the poor live. Primary government facilities like schools and health care centres are practically absent here. Infant mortality rates are among the highest in the world in the region, owing to malnutrition and hunger. Estimates suggest the infant mortality rate to be at 47 per cent in the Naxalite affected regions of the country, a condition worse than Sub-Saharan Africa.
India’s 'Naxalite problem' is complex and tends to find its justification in the deep-rooted and centuries-old exploitation of the poor, particularly the tribal community, by local landlords and corrupt politicians. There is a high incidence of crimes committed against the tribal community. These include bonded labour, rape of women and girls, and silencing any opposition or dissent by murder and other violence. Petty landlords who commit these evils escape prosecution and punishment due to the support of corrupt and failing state agencies like the police. The Indian government has made no attempt to reach out to these citizens and address their problems, or to prosecute those who have committed crimes.
Of particular concern is the plight of poor families who are systematically denied official assistance to address issues including food security, unemployment and the depletion of natural resources. Neither the state nor the central government has attempted to identify whether official schemes such as public food distribution shops or government health services are available to people in the region.
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has documented several cases outlining the role played by local landlords and corrupt government officials in routinely preventing poor families from accessing government sponsored health and food programmes. The lack of cultivable land and the depletion of the forest -- their habitual source of livelihood -- makes tribal communities increasingly dependent upon government sponsored food distribution shops. It is often the case however, that food grains intended to be distributed to the poor through these shops are sold on the black market in distant cities.
Attempts by human rights activists to intervene in these situations result in threats and harassment. When the AHRC reported a case of food distribution corruption in July from Khandwa district, Madhya Pradesh, the minister for health and family welfare accused the organisation of receiving foreign funds to malign the state administration. Needless to say, no investigation was conducted into the allegations of corruption.
Also in Khandwa district, 62 children died from acute malnutrition during 2008. Despite this, in July 2009 the state administration closed schools and other public services like the Anganwadis (child care centers) due to ‘the Naxalite threat’. Within weeks of these closures, three more children died of malnutrition.
In addition to the failure of public welfare schemes, the government is also responsible for sponsoring indiscriminate mining and the destruction of natural resources in the region--all in the name of development. In Chhattisgarh for instance, several large-scale mining operations have been commissioned in the past six years with complete disregard to the life and security of community members living there. A government website highlights the state’s 'red-carpet' policy to private entities extracting mineral resources, but makes no mention of policies regarding people’s loss of livelihoods and displacement, or the operations’ environmental impact.
It is thus clear that state governments in Naxalite affected regions have failed to address deep-rooted issues plaguing the population living below the poverty line. Haplessly, it is this deprived and oppressed population that falls prey to the Naxalite ideology.
Repression and violence against a population forms fertile ground for rebellious ideologies. The Naxalite movement is thus made up of individuals who believe in and justify defensive violence. It is unfortunate that the response by the Indian government has also been the use of force, often brutal. The only lesson to be learnt from the experience of the past 40 years is that violence can neither resolve problems nor be a mode of communication. Any call for violence negates the premise of rule of law. Violence presupposes guilt and perpetuates disagreement. Moreover, it affects and diminishes the space for dialogue, an essential component in any democracy.
The government of India's advertisement campaigning for the rejection of Naxalite activities is also indirectly a call for violence. The premise of the advertisement is the same as that of a Naxalite cadre who views the state and its agencies as criminals. It will encourage 'encounter killings' and justify murder on mere suspicion, denying individuals the basic guarantee of fair trial. Ultimately, it undermines the rule of law and the role of justice institutions. By not taking these effects of the advertisement into account, the newspaper has demonstrated a lack of professionalism and commitment to rule of law and justice.
In a country where even terrorists are given the opportunity of fair hearings in a court of law, the words 'Naxalites are nothing but cold-blooded criminals' negates the constitutional premise within which a government is formed and expected to function. The government has a constitutional duty to listen to the people, to form policies after consultation. Instead of perpetuating violence, a responsible government must take steps to ensure that its citizens’ grievances are heard and addressed. Unfortunately, the government of India does not seem keen to follow this path of non-violence.
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
A newspaper advertisement published by the Government of India on Sunday, September 20, 2009, reads 'Naxalites are nothing but cold-blooded criminals'. This advertisement is part of the government's intensified campaign to combat Naxalite activities in the country. It comes a few weeks after the Prime Minister's declaration--later confirmed by the Union Home Minister--that Naxalite activities are the single largest threat to India’s security.
Naxalite cadres in India have repeatedly resorted to violence, and their armed campaigns have resulted in loss of life and property. Their activities have intensified over the past five years, particularly affecting the entire eastern corridor; the states of Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Andhra Pradesh and parts of Orissa, Kerala and Madhya Pradesh.
While exact data regarding Naxalite activities, including its manpower, is limited, it is estimated that at least 63 districts in the country are seriously affected. There is also no clear information regarding the movement’s sources of financial and logistical support. What is clear however, is the movement’s intense operations in India’s tribal areas. It is no coincidence that these areas are the most neglected and exploited parts of the country.
These are the areas where the poorest of the poor live. Primary government facilities like schools and health care centres are practically absent here. Infant mortality rates are among the highest in the world in the region, owing to malnutrition and hunger. Estimates suggest the infant mortality rate to be at 47 per cent in the Naxalite affected regions of the country, a condition worse than Sub-Saharan Africa.
India’s 'Naxalite problem' is complex and tends to find its justification in the deep-rooted and centuries-old exploitation of the poor, particularly the tribal community, by local landlords and corrupt politicians. There is a high incidence of crimes committed against the tribal community. These include bonded labour, rape of women and girls, and silencing any opposition or dissent by murder and other violence. Petty landlords who commit these evils escape prosecution and punishment due to the support of corrupt and failing state agencies like the police. The Indian government has made no attempt to reach out to these citizens and address their problems, or to prosecute those who have committed crimes.
Of particular concern is the plight of poor families who are systematically denied official assistance to address issues including food security, unemployment and the depletion of natural resources. Neither the state nor the central government has attempted to identify whether official schemes such as public food distribution shops or government health services are available to people in the region.
The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) has documented several cases outlining the role played by local landlords and corrupt government officials in routinely preventing poor families from accessing government sponsored health and food programmes. The lack of cultivable land and the depletion of the forest -- their habitual source of livelihood -- makes tribal communities increasingly dependent upon government sponsored food distribution shops. It is often the case however, that food grains intended to be distributed to the poor through these shops are sold on the black market in distant cities.
Attempts by human rights activists to intervene in these situations result in threats and harassment. When the AHRC reported a case of food distribution corruption in July from Khandwa district, Madhya Pradesh, the minister for health and family welfare accused the organisation of receiving foreign funds to malign the state administration. Needless to say, no investigation was conducted into the allegations of corruption.
Also in Khandwa district, 62 children died from acute malnutrition during 2008. Despite this, in July 2009 the state administration closed schools and other public services like the Anganwadis (child care centers) due to ‘the Naxalite threat’. Within weeks of these closures, three more children died of malnutrition.
In addition to the failure of public welfare schemes, the government is also responsible for sponsoring indiscriminate mining and the destruction of natural resources in the region--all in the name of development. In Chhattisgarh for instance, several large-scale mining operations have been commissioned in the past six years with complete disregard to the life and security of community members living there. A government website highlights the state’s 'red-carpet' policy to private entities extracting mineral resources, but makes no mention of policies regarding people’s loss of livelihoods and displacement, or the operations’ environmental impact.
It is thus clear that state governments in Naxalite affected regions have failed to address deep-rooted issues plaguing the population living below the poverty line. Haplessly, it is this deprived and oppressed population that falls prey to the Naxalite ideology.
Repression and violence against a population forms fertile ground for rebellious ideologies. The Naxalite movement is thus made up of individuals who believe in and justify defensive violence. It is unfortunate that the response by the Indian government has also been the use of force, often brutal. The only lesson to be learnt from the experience of the past 40 years is that violence can neither resolve problems nor be a mode of communication. Any call for violence negates the premise of rule of law. Violence presupposes guilt and perpetuates disagreement. Moreover, it affects and diminishes the space for dialogue, an essential component in any democracy.
The government of India's advertisement campaigning for the rejection of Naxalite activities is also indirectly a call for violence. The premise of the advertisement is the same as that of a Naxalite cadre who views the state and its agencies as criminals. It will encourage 'encounter killings' and justify murder on mere suspicion, denying individuals the basic guarantee of fair trial. Ultimately, it undermines the rule of law and the role of justice institutions. By not taking these effects of the advertisement into account, the newspaper has demonstrated a lack of professionalism and commitment to rule of law and justice.
In a country where even terrorists are given the opportunity of fair hearings in a court of law, the words 'Naxalites are nothing but cold-blooded criminals' negates the constitutional premise within which a government is formed and expected to function. The government has a constitutional duty to listen to the people, to form policies after consultation. Instead of perpetuating violence, a responsible government must take steps to ensure that its citizens’ grievances are heard and addressed. Unfortunately, the government of India does not seem keen to follow this path of non-violence.
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
22 September, 2009
Sri Lanka: Biriyani, arrack and kassipu for some journalists
BASIL FERNANDO
"Go to any police station in the evening. You will find several journalists there. They come on their way home, to have a drink of kassipu, from the stash that the police have collected from raids that day”, says Raju (a fictitious name adopted for security reasons), a life time civil society activist.
They get not only kassipu, but also their news from the police.
Let me give you an example. Two people are killed at a police station. The next day, the heading of a news item in big letters reads, Pathalayan Dennek Maruta, meaning two persons from the underworld have been killed. The heading makes police officers who had done an extra-judicial killing appear as heroes who have eliminated two underworld figures. The free gift of kassipu has not been in vain.
This kind of behavior is explained away by such excuses as the low salaries of local reporters. It is said that these reporters have to travel at their own expense and that they are paid a paltry sum for news items they manage to get published. Publication, it is said, will require the giving of gifts by way of drinks, cigarettes and even cash.
Other places to gather news is the hospitals. There is always some misfortune that ends up in a hospital. With a good contact, such as an attendant, nurse or even sweeper at the hospital, a journalist may find access to such a story. Such trade requires special skills in maintaining contacts and a willingness to give necessary santhosam. However, at police stations, the news, which means the police version of events, is given freely and even with a gift such as a drink of kassipu. Even when an innocent man is arrested, the report in the news paper will read: “Rapist Arrested”, “Kudukaraya arrested”, and the like. Even if the arrested person is released later, no correction of the story is ever made.
It is those in the lower ranks of journalism who may go to police stations for favours. But, the luckier ones have better places to go. The house of a politician is always a place of entertainment for some selected journalists. Most politicians have their own thugs and journalists. The manner in which electorates are managed in Sri Lanka would present interesting material for sociological studies in social degeneration.
The benefits are, of course, higher for journalists who have managed to get closer to small ruling cliques. The ones that do well are those who undertake the task of mudslinging, particularly those who prepare the way for attacks on opponents. Before every political assassination or a serious attack, there is much ‘journalistic’ work to be done. Both before and after the assassination of Lasantha Wickrematunga and the attack on Poddala Jayantha, some journalists worked for a long time preparing the background for these attacks and then creating misimpressions after the attack, both in print and electronic media. Before and after every political event, there are many journalists who play their role and get their share.
The crazier the political situation becomes, the opportunities for the cynic acting as a journalist becomes much greater. When the situation degenerates over several years, the idea of the maintenance of standards in journalism begins to disappear in the same way that the people are made to disappear after abductions. The way journalists conduct their business becomes no different to the way a member of parliament like Minister Mervyn Silva often behaves in parliament. There are journalists who will say anything in any manner they chose without any facts to substantiate what they write. The more they ignore their professional ethics the more benefits they get from their patrons.
The very essence and goal of democracy is to tighten the hands of governments. Power corrupts. Absolute power corrupts absolutely. Power, therefore, needs to be bound. The wires that tie the rulers are called laws. That no one is above the law explicitly refers to the fact that that rulers are not above the law. Charles I argued that no one had the right to judge him because he was the king. He relied on a rule that was well-established then. He failed to understand that the views of his the people of his country had changed. He lost his head. No British king or queen ever since has made the same argument.
Then power passed to elected rulers. But the problem still remained. Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. New rulers also had to be bound. They also had to obey laws. They were not above the law. Then there were some difficult problems. How, for example, to deal with a war? Your enemy obeys no law. Should you obey law? That even in war there are laws to be obeyed is a rule that evolved over a long period. Finally the Geneva conventions laid down some basic laws of war.
From time to time there are challenges to this principle. George W. Bush, for example, wanted some such laws to be ignored. One law was the international law against torture. Some of his countrymen agreed, at least for sometime. Then, faced with the actual experiences, many were horrified. The voting of the people showed the change in favour of the old rule against torture. Thus, in countries where laws relating to war are accepted, there is a renewed interest in the debates which crated these laws. Charles the First still may have had some admirers. George W. Bush had some also during the Bush era, and many got rich by being “journalists”. By supporting rulers that abuse power, it is possible to get very rich. Today, a political stooge who calls himself a journalist can be assured that biriyani and arrack is served through the backdoor. Such journalist hacks say that the rulers can do whatever they like. The fundamental rule is that hands of rulers must be kept bound if citizens are to live safely. People no longer want monsters to rule over them.
Sri Lanka may be considered the second most dangerous place for journalists. That is for those journalists who take their job seriously. Which is something that the cynics in their profession think only fools should do. Some are assassinated, others have fled the country and one has been jailed for 20 years of rigorous imprisonment. However, to those cynics who want to earn their biriyani, arrack and kassipu, Sri Lanka is indeed a paradise.
Basil Fernando is Executive Director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong, a non-governmental organization monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia.
"Go to any police station in the evening. You will find several journalists there. They come on their way home, to have a drink of kassipu, from the stash that the police have collected from raids that day”, says Raju (a fictitious name adopted for security reasons), a life time civil society activist.
They get not only kassipu, but also their news from the police.
Let me give you an example. Two people are killed at a police station. The next day, the heading of a news item in big letters reads, Pathalayan Dennek Maruta, meaning two persons from the underworld have been killed. The heading makes police officers who had done an extra-judicial killing appear as heroes who have eliminated two underworld figures. The free gift of kassipu has not been in vain.
This kind of behavior is explained away by such excuses as the low salaries of local reporters. It is said that these reporters have to travel at their own expense and that they are paid a paltry sum for news items they manage to get published. Publication, it is said, will require the giving of gifts by way of drinks, cigarettes and even cash.
Other places to gather news is the hospitals. There is always some misfortune that ends up in a hospital. With a good contact, such as an attendant, nurse or even sweeper at the hospital, a journalist may find access to such a story. Such trade requires special skills in maintaining contacts and a willingness to give necessary santhosam. However, at police stations, the news, which means the police version of events, is given freely and even with a gift such as a drink of kassipu. Even when an innocent man is arrested, the report in the news paper will read: “Rapist Arrested”, “Kudukaraya arrested”, and the like. Even if the arrested person is released later, no correction of the story is ever made.
It is those in the lower ranks of journalism who may go to police stations for favours. But, the luckier ones have better places to go. The house of a politician is always a place of entertainment for some selected journalists. Most politicians have their own thugs and journalists. The manner in which electorates are managed in Sri Lanka would present interesting material for sociological studies in social degeneration.
The benefits are, of course, higher for journalists who have managed to get closer to small ruling cliques. The ones that do well are those who undertake the task of mudslinging, particularly those who prepare the way for attacks on opponents. Before every political assassination or a serious attack, there is much ‘journalistic’ work to be done. Both before and after the assassination of Lasantha Wickrematunga and the attack on Poddala Jayantha, some journalists worked for a long time preparing the background for these attacks and then creating misimpressions after the attack, both in print and electronic media. Before and after every political event, there are many journalists who play their role and get their share.
The crazier the political situation becomes, the opportunities for the cynic acting as a journalist becomes much greater. When the situation degenerates over several years, the idea of the maintenance of standards in journalism begins to disappear in the same way that the people are made to disappear after abductions. The way journalists conduct their business becomes no different to the way a member of parliament like Minister Mervyn Silva often behaves in parliament. There are journalists who will say anything in any manner they chose without any facts to substantiate what they write. The more they ignore their professional ethics the more benefits they get from their patrons.
The very essence and goal of democracy is to tighten the hands of governments. Power corrupts. Absolute power corrupts absolutely. Power, therefore, needs to be bound. The wires that tie the rulers are called laws. That no one is above the law explicitly refers to the fact that that rulers are not above the law. Charles I argued that no one had the right to judge him because he was the king. He relied on a rule that was well-established then. He failed to understand that the views of his the people of his country had changed. He lost his head. No British king or queen ever since has made the same argument.
Then power passed to elected rulers. But the problem still remained. Power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely. New rulers also had to be bound. They also had to obey laws. They were not above the law. Then there were some difficult problems. How, for example, to deal with a war? Your enemy obeys no law. Should you obey law? That even in war there are laws to be obeyed is a rule that evolved over a long period. Finally the Geneva conventions laid down some basic laws of war.
From time to time there are challenges to this principle. George W. Bush, for example, wanted some such laws to be ignored. One law was the international law against torture. Some of his countrymen agreed, at least for sometime. Then, faced with the actual experiences, many were horrified. The voting of the people showed the change in favour of the old rule against torture. Thus, in countries where laws relating to war are accepted, there is a renewed interest in the debates which crated these laws. Charles the First still may have had some admirers. George W. Bush had some also during the Bush era, and many got rich by being “journalists”. By supporting rulers that abuse power, it is possible to get very rich. Today, a political stooge who calls himself a journalist can be assured that biriyani and arrack is served through the backdoor. Such journalist hacks say that the rulers can do whatever they like. The fundamental rule is that hands of rulers must be kept bound if citizens are to live safely. People no longer want monsters to rule over them.
Sri Lanka may be considered the second most dangerous place for journalists. That is for those journalists who take their job seriously. Which is something that the cynics in their profession think only fools should do. Some are assassinated, others have fled the country and one has been jailed for 20 years of rigorous imprisonment. However, to those cynics who want to earn their biriyani, arrack and kassipu, Sri Lanka is indeed a paradise.
Basil Fernando is Executive Director of the Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong, a non-governmental organization monitoring and lobbying human rights issues in Asia.
21 September, 2009
Maoist model schools in Nepal
There are five Maoist schools in Nepal for the children of martyrs. These were set up this yea with funding from the Martyrs’ Association, a government-funded Maoist organization.
Members of the World People’s Resistance Movement (WPRM) from Britain and Ireland, who are now touring Nepal, recently visited the school at Jiri, which serves the central district of Nepal.
This school has three large two-storey buildings plus a washing block. There are 101 students here, all of whom had lost at least both parents as martyrs of the people’s war. There are seven teachers. The students range from the age of 6 to 17. More than 60% of the students are male.
The students learn maths, science, Nepali, English and a general course on Maoism, a fully Maoist curriculum that differs from that of government and private schools. They learn about Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Prachanda. They also learn about Che Guevara, particularly his sacrifice and revolutionary spirit to change the world. They also study the background of the people’s war, about capitalism and communism and the need for Cultural Revolutio, to destroy the old feudal culture and replace it with a new one. To a great extent they do this through the medium of art, music, dance and comedy.
The report prepared by the WPRM is available at its website.
Members of the World People’s Resistance Movement (WPRM) from Britain and Ireland, who are now touring Nepal, recently visited the school at Jiri, which serves the central district of Nepal.
This school has three large two-storey buildings plus a washing block. There are 101 students here, all of whom had lost at least both parents as martyrs of the people’s war. There are seven teachers. The students range from the age of 6 to 17. More than 60% of the students are male.
The students learn maths, science, Nepali, English and a general course on Maoism, a fully Maoist curriculum that differs from that of government and private schools. They learn about Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Prachanda. They also learn about Che Guevara, particularly his sacrifice and revolutionary spirit to change the world. They also study the background of the people’s war, about capitalism and communism and the need for Cultural Revolutio, to destroy the old feudal culture and replace it with a new one. To a great extent they do this through the medium of art, music, dance and comedy.
The report prepared by the WPRM is available at its website.
18 September, 2009
AHRC voices concern over safety of Manipur rights defender
The Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong, says in a release:
The AHRC is extremely concerned for the safety of human rights defender and freelance journalist Jiten Yumnam, who it has learned, has been arrested and detained in Manipur. Jiten was reportedly taken into custody by officers from the Manipur State Police Special Commando Unit stationed at Imphal West Police Station on 14 September, while on his way to Thailand. He was scheduled to participate in an international meeting on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The AHRC is concerned that Jiten will face fabricated charges and severe abuse in custody, and calls for his swift and safe release.
CASE DETAILS:
Jiten Yumnam is a human rights defender and freelance journalist and has been actively involved in campaigns involving environmental issues, and the toll taken by militarisation in Manipur.
Jiten was active in an international campaign against police officers who murdered a young man and a pregnant woman in the Manipur capital this July (please see our Urgent Appeal: UAC-098-2009). Bystander photographs proved the involvement of the Manipur State Police Commando Unit and contradicted their official report of the deaths, causing mass civil protests. We have learned that the UN Rapporteur on Torture has also written to the Government of India requesting a report on the incident, though no one has yet been arrested or any action taken against the perpetrators.
It appears that the state administration has instead started to target human rights defenders and political activists involved in the campaign. The state police have arrested several protesters so far and fabricated cases against them using the National Security Act, 1980. The Act is widely misused by the government to lengthily detain human rights defenders and political activists, and we are concerned that it will soon be used against Jiten.
According to the information received by the AHRC, neither the victim nor his family have been told of the charges against him. Unverified reports have suggested that he and seven other persons arrested on the same day will be charged with offenses punishable under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, the Official Secrets Act, 1923 and the Indian Penal Code, 1860. It is also not clear as to whether Jiten has been produced before a local magistrate (mandatory under Indian law). Previous experience in Manipur gives the AHRC strong concerns that Jiten's life could be at risk in police custody.
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:
The AHRC and other human rights organisations working against militarisation and terrorism in Manipur has documented numerous cases in which detainees are shot dead by police or soldiers in fake encounters (or 'escapes') after arrest. Similar tactics are also used by underground terrorist groups operating in the state. The AHRC is monitoring the situation and will update you regarding any further information regarding this case.
Jiten is one of the founding members of the Asia Pacific Indigenous Youth Network (APIYN) , which issued a statement about his arrest and launched an online signature campaign seeking his immediate release (view and sign here). Jiten is also the Joint-Secretary of the group, Citizens' Concerns on Dam and Development, and has published several articles, including Militarisation and human rights violations in Manipur, which he co-authored for the AHRC publication, Article 2.
SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please write to the authorities below seeking intervention in Jiten's arrest and calling for his safety and humane treatment while in custody.
The AHRC is also writing a separate letter to the Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders and the Working Group on arbitrary detention calling for an intervention in this case.
To support this appeal please click here
The AHRC is extremely concerned for the safety of human rights defender and freelance journalist Jiten Yumnam, who it has learned, has been arrested and detained in Manipur. Jiten was reportedly taken into custody by officers from the Manipur State Police Special Commando Unit stationed at Imphal West Police Station on 14 September, while on his way to Thailand. He was scheduled to participate in an international meeting on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The AHRC is concerned that Jiten will face fabricated charges and severe abuse in custody, and calls for his swift and safe release.
CASE DETAILS:
Jiten Yumnam is a human rights defender and freelance journalist and has been actively involved in campaigns involving environmental issues, and the toll taken by militarisation in Manipur.
Jiten was active in an international campaign against police officers who murdered a young man and a pregnant woman in the Manipur capital this July (please see our Urgent Appeal: UAC-098-2009). Bystander photographs proved the involvement of the Manipur State Police Commando Unit and contradicted their official report of the deaths, causing mass civil protests. We have learned that the UN Rapporteur on Torture has also written to the Government of India requesting a report on the incident, though no one has yet been arrested or any action taken against the perpetrators.
It appears that the state administration has instead started to target human rights defenders and political activists involved in the campaign. The state police have arrested several protesters so far and fabricated cases against them using the National Security Act, 1980. The Act is widely misused by the government to lengthily detain human rights defenders and political activists, and we are concerned that it will soon be used against Jiten.
According to the information received by the AHRC, neither the victim nor his family have been told of the charges against him. Unverified reports have suggested that he and seven other persons arrested on the same day will be charged with offenses punishable under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, the Official Secrets Act, 1923 and the Indian Penal Code, 1860. It is also not clear as to whether Jiten has been produced before a local magistrate (mandatory under Indian law). Previous experience in Manipur gives the AHRC strong concerns that Jiten's life could be at risk in police custody.
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:
The AHRC and other human rights organisations working against militarisation and terrorism in Manipur has documented numerous cases in which detainees are shot dead by police or soldiers in fake encounters (or 'escapes') after arrest. Similar tactics are also used by underground terrorist groups operating in the state. The AHRC is monitoring the situation and will update you regarding any further information regarding this case.
Jiten is one of the founding members of the Asia Pacific Indigenous Youth Network (APIYN) , which issued a statement about his arrest and launched an online signature campaign seeking his immediate release (view and sign here). Jiten is also the Joint-Secretary of the group, Citizens' Concerns on Dam and Development, and has published several articles, including Militarisation and human rights violations in Manipur, which he co-authored for the AHRC publication, Article 2.
SUGGESTED ACTION:
Please write to the authorities below seeking intervention in Jiten's arrest and calling for his safety and humane treatment while in custody.
The AHRC is also writing a separate letter to the Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders and the Working Group on arbitrary detention calling for an intervention in this case.
To support this appeal please click here
17 September, 2009
Venezuela to host international meet of Left parties
Caracas, Venezuela, will play host to one of the most important international gatherings of left parties in years, when delegates from across the world meet for the First International Meeting of Left Parties from October 7 to 9.
The meeting has been called by President Hugo Chavez’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).
The gathering was agreed upon at the Sao Paulo Forum (FSP) held in Mexico City from August 20 to 22. There, the PSUV delegation presented the proposal to organize an international meeting of left parties.
Some of the member parties are now in government in Latin America and are carrying out policies they once strongly denounced.
In August 2007, Chavez had said it was necessary to convene ``a meeting of left parties of Latin America and organize a type of international, an organization of parties and movements of the left in Latin American and the Caribbean”. He added that “there is a resurgence of the consciousness of the peoples; the movements, leaders and leaderships of this new left, of this new project, this need to continue to grow”.
There is a revival of socialist ideas that, at least in Venezuela, has become embodied in the actions of millions who are fighting to create “socialism of the 21st century”. Millions more people worldwide look to Venezuela as proof that revolutionary change is possible. The challenge is to see how this force can be organized, in each country and internationally, into a powerful force capable of defeating capitalism.
This write-up is based on an article by Federico Fuentes which appeared in the September 9, 2009 issue of Green Left Weekly nd can be seen at the Links website.
The meeting has been called by President Hugo Chavez’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV).
The gathering was agreed upon at the Sao Paulo Forum (FSP) held in Mexico City from August 20 to 22. There, the PSUV delegation presented the proposal to organize an international meeting of left parties.
Some of the member parties are now in government in Latin America and are carrying out policies they once strongly denounced.
In August 2007, Chavez had said it was necessary to convene ``a meeting of left parties of Latin America and organize a type of international, an organization of parties and movements of the left in Latin American and the Caribbean”. He added that “there is a resurgence of the consciousness of the peoples; the movements, leaders and leaderships of this new left, of this new project, this need to continue to grow”.
There is a revival of socialist ideas that, at least in Venezuela, has become embodied in the actions of millions who are fighting to create “socialism of the 21st century”. Millions more people worldwide look to Venezuela as proof that revolutionary change is possible. The challenge is to see how this force can be organized, in each country and internationally, into a powerful force capable of defeating capitalism.
This write-up is based on an article by Federico Fuentes which appeared in the September 9, 2009 issue of Green Left Weekly nd can be seen at the Links website.
11 September, 2009
People’s March set to come back
People’s March, which ceased operations following the arrest of its editor, P. Govindan Kutty, in January 2008 and the cancellation of its registration by the District Collector of Ernakulam, is set to reappear.
The charge against Govindan Kutty and the publication was that they had links with extremists. Govindan Kutty was released on bail a month after he was arrested. No charge-sheet was filed against him. The Collector’s order canceling the journal’s registration was set aside by the Press and Registration Appellate Board in New Delhi last month.
In a communication, Govindan Kutty says:
On 7th August 2009 the Hon'ble Press & Registration Appellate Board, New Delhi, set aside the order dated 15-01-2009 of the District Collector, Ernakulam cancelling the Declaration furnished by People's March, which was forwarded to the Registrar of Newspapers for India, New Delhi. It showed the utter vindictiveness of the Government/State to suppress views hostile to it. People's March has uncompromisingly stood on the side of the oppressed, exploited masses and the middle classes of our country who comprise an overwhelming 90% of our population. The Government/State represents the mere microscopic moneybags of this country and their agents and hangers-on who comprise barely 5% of the population. Both stand in direct conflict to each other. But the interests of the country must and always be the interests of its bulk population. Before the Appelate Board stood a lawyer paid by the Government. On the other side stood me, the Editor without any lawyer. The Government/State has no answer for the arguments and grounds put forth by me in my appeal as to under which clause under Section 8 B of the Press and Registration of Books Act 1867 the Declaration furnished by me was cancelled. After a few minutes of silence by the Government advocate, the Press & Registration Appellate Board set aside the order of the Collector, Ernakulam. A copy of the order is awaited.
Likewise after my illegal and arbitrary arrest and release on bail, even after 21 months the Government/State charge-sheets were not filed. But the cases foisted on me are pending as a form of threat.
It is clear that both the arrest and the banning of the non-publishing magazine while I was under custody together with the earlier banning of the website www.peoplesmarch.com was nothing but a crude attempt by the Government/State to stifle the freedom of speech in this fake democratic setup. It sought to muffle the revolutionary voice of the oppressed masses, their cries of agony and their call for liberation. People's March represented the truth and stood on the side of justice. The moneybags and their government/State could not tolerate this, so they resorted to suppressive measures.
People's March will never be cowed down by these efforts of the Government/state to muffle its voice. It will continue to stand up for the truth, will forever be on the side of justice and will never bow down before any fascist authority.
We apologize to our readers for this gap, but we thank you for your unstinting support in this period of trial. We request you to fight this conspiracy of silence by the Government/State by supporting People's March in all possible ways and propagating widely this victory of People's March to renew publication. You can do by renewing your subscription and each reader making personal attempts to get at least 10 subscribers. We request you to propagate widely in the media and the net this victory of People's March fraternity of patriotic, democratic and revolutionary people can grow and grow, both in India and abroad. We also request you to donate your mite with all your material and financial support in our attempts to change the world. We once again thank you for your unstinted support in our period of difficulty.
With revolutionary greetings,
Editor
Related posts:
Release P. Govindankutty unconditionally (January 26, 2008)
P. Govindankutty gets bail (Februaty 25, 2008)
The charge against Govindan Kutty and the publication was that they had links with extremists. Govindan Kutty was released on bail a month after he was arrested. No charge-sheet was filed against him. The Collector’s order canceling the journal’s registration was set aside by the Press and Registration Appellate Board in New Delhi last month.
In a communication, Govindan Kutty says:
On 7th August 2009 the Hon'ble Press & Registration Appellate Board, New Delhi, set aside the order dated 15-01-2009 of the District Collector, Ernakulam cancelling the Declaration furnished by People's March, which was forwarded to the Registrar of Newspapers for India, New Delhi. It showed the utter vindictiveness of the Government/State to suppress views hostile to it. People's March has uncompromisingly stood on the side of the oppressed, exploited masses and the middle classes of our country who comprise an overwhelming 90% of our population. The Government/State represents the mere microscopic moneybags of this country and their agents and hangers-on who comprise barely 5% of the population. Both stand in direct conflict to each other. But the interests of the country must and always be the interests of its bulk population. Before the Appelate Board stood a lawyer paid by the Government. On the other side stood me, the Editor without any lawyer. The Government/State has no answer for the arguments and grounds put forth by me in my appeal as to under which clause under Section 8 B of the Press and Registration of Books Act 1867 the Declaration furnished by me was cancelled. After a few minutes of silence by the Government advocate, the Press & Registration Appellate Board set aside the order of the Collector, Ernakulam. A copy of the order is awaited.
Likewise after my illegal and arbitrary arrest and release on bail, even after 21 months the Government/State charge-sheets were not filed. But the cases foisted on me are pending as a form of threat.
It is clear that both the arrest and the banning of the non-publishing magazine while I was under custody together with the earlier banning of the website www.peoplesmarch.com was nothing but a crude attempt by the Government/State to stifle the freedom of speech in this fake democratic setup. It sought to muffle the revolutionary voice of the oppressed masses, their cries of agony and their call for liberation. People's March represented the truth and stood on the side of justice. The moneybags and their government/State could not tolerate this, so they resorted to suppressive measures.
People's March will never be cowed down by these efforts of the Government/state to muffle its voice. It will continue to stand up for the truth, will forever be on the side of justice and will never bow down before any fascist authority.
We apologize to our readers for this gap, but we thank you for your unstinting support in this period of trial. We request you to fight this conspiracy of silence by the Government/State by supporting People's March in all possible ways and propagating widely this victory of People's March to renew publication. You can do by renewing your subscription and each reader making personal attempts to get at least 10 subscribers. We request you to propagate widely in the media and the net this victory of People's March fraternity of patriotic, democratic and revolutionary people can grow and grow, both in India and abroad. We also request you to donate your mite with all your material and financial support in our attempts to change the world. We once again thank you for your unstinted support in our period of difficulty.
With revolutionary greetings,
Editor
Related posts:
Release P. Govindankutty unconditionally (January 26, 2008)
P. Govindankutty gets bail (Februaty 25, 2008)
10 September, 2009
Tharoor has many followers, but finds few worth following
A website reported on Monday that Minister of State for External Affairs Shashi Tharoor has become the first Indian celebrity with more than 100,000 followers on Twitter.It said “his popularity on Twitter has been such that even Priyanka Chopra's followers’ count pales in comparison…”
At last count Tharoor had 123.825 followers and Priyanka Chopra 49,655.
The website quoted Tharoor as saying, "I just try to be myself and am glad
so many are interested." It went on to observe that “If Shashi Tharoor ever decides to become a prime ministerial candidate for India, he'd be doing what Barack Obama did on Twitter and maybe even better.”
While Tharoor is way ahead of Priyanka Chopra he has to go a long way to catch up with Obama, who, with 2,147,674 followers at last count, perhaps qualifies for the title of Mr. Twitter World.
While tens of thousands consider Tharoor and Priyanka worthy of following, they seem to have difficulty in finding people whom they can follow. Tharoor has so far found only seven persons worth following. Two of them are his sons, Ishaan and Kanishk, and two others are fellow Congressmen, External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna and K. Sudhakaran, Kannur MP. Priyanka Chopra follows a score of people, including Barack Obama and Maria Carey.
Look at Obama’s figures: 2,147,674 followers; following 758,533.
08 September, 2009
Media: some things don’t change
Not only newspapermen but also newspaper readers of my generation often complain that journalism has declined since our time. But some things in the media do not change.
In an English language text-book which I studied at college 60 years ago there was an essay “On becoming a journalist”, written by Rose Macaulay, It was a tongue-in-cheek piece, commenting on various aspects of journalism.
Miss Macaulay, who wrote for The Times of London, advised those who only wanted to see their names in print to write letters to the editor. She also offered a few tips to help get into print. The Times was interested in pets and gardening and there was a good chance of the newspaper publishing letters on these subjects. She observed that editors like to be flattered and suggested that the letter could start with words like “As always you were right when you wrote…”
Decades later Miss Macaulay’s advice apparently still holds good. Look at the opening lines of the five top letters published in The Hindu on Monday, September 7:
The editorial “Political feudalism” (Sept. 5) rightly cautions against dynastic politics… R. M. Manoharan, Chennai.
The editorial rightly says that the middle-level Congress leaders … K. A. Suresh Kumar, New Delhi.
The editorial was brilliant and forthright in questioning the irrational demand …S. Sarangan, Secunderabad.
As the editorial rightly points out, Jagan Mohan is a political novice… S.Padmaja, New Delhi.
The editorial has sounded a timely caution to the Congress high command …. Comdt. G. V. Mathew (retd.), Thiruvananthapuram.
In an English language text-book which I studied at college 60 years ago there was an essay “On becoming a journalist”, written by Rose Macaulay, It was a tongue-in-cheek piece, commenting on various aspects of journalism.
Miss Macaulay, who wrote for The Times of London, advised those who only wanted to see their names in print to write letters to the editor. She also offered a few tips to help get into print. The Times was interested in pets and gardening and there was a good chance of the newspaper publishing letters on these subjects. She observed that editors like to be flattered and suggested that the letter could start with words like “As always you were right when you wrote…”
Decades later Miss Macaulay’s advice apparently still holds good. Look at the opening lines of the five top letters published in The Hindu on Monday, September 7:
The editorial “Political feudalism” (Sept. 5) rightly cautions against dynastic politics… R. M. Manoharan, Chennai.
The editorial rightly says that the middle-level Congress leaders … K. A. Suresh Kumar, New Delhi.
The editorial was brilliant and forthright in questioning the irrational demand …S. Sarangan, Secunderabad.
As the editorial rightly points out, Jagan Mohan is a political novice… S.Padmaja, New Delhi.
The editorial has sounded a timely caution to the Congress high command …. Comdt. G. V. Mathew (retd.), Thiruvananthapuram.
07 September, 2009
The Times group steps in to help revive a dead myth
We do not know how the popular myths of today originated. But we can make out how the media propagate them.
The Times of India group has just brought out a ‘coffee table book’ (the description is the newspaper’s own) titled “The Holy Sankara Mutt”. In a report from Chennai, the paper says the book puts together “the proud lineage of the Kanchi Mutt and its 70 Acharyas, starting from Adi Sankaracharya’s setting up of the Mutt in 482 BC”.
This date is mentioned also in a feature, which appeared in the newspaper’s Chennai edition on Sunday, under the headline “Unbroken Lineage of 2500 Years” The paper has described the feature as “a spiritual connect initiative”.
The claim that the Kanchi mutt was established 2,500 years ago is one that even the mutt authorities have not pressed seriously for nearly a century. Clearly the newspaper group has taken upon itself the task of helping the mutt to revive a myth which was laid to rest towards the end of the 19th century.
According to history books, Sankaracharya lived from 788 to 820 AD. How could he have established a mutt in 482 BC?
The short answer to the question is that the Times group has produced the coffee table book by drawing fabricated material in the mutt’s archives. The material includes the names and dates of 70 sanyasins who are said to have presided over the mutt since 482 BC.
What little we know of the life of the philosopher, who is credited with having restored the glory of Hinduism which had been eclipsed by Buddhism, is based on accounts contained in a Sanskrit work, Sankara Vijayam, which got embellished as it passed from one generation to another.
At least two versions of this work with conflicting details were in circulation. According to the version promoted by the Kanchi mutt, Sankara was a Tamil Brahmin, born in the present state of Tamil Nadu.
The Kanchi mutt’s claim that it was established by Sankara is a disputed one. According to most authorities, he established four peeths in the four corners of the country—Sringeri in the south, Dwarka in the west, Puri in the east and Joshimath (Uttarkhand) in the north.
There was intense rivalry between the Sringeri mutt and the Kanchi mutt. In late 19th century, the Sringeri mutt, located in Mysore, requested the state’s maharaja to help resolve the controversies over when and where Adi Sankara was born. The maharaja asked the Dewan, Seshadri Iyer, to look into the matter.
After examining literature on the subject with the help of scholars, Seshadri Iyer said that Sankaracharya was a Kerala Brahmin, born at Kaladi in 788 AD. Historians accepted this date.
With the help of the maharajahs of Mysore and Travancore, the Sringeri mutt took over the place at Kaladi, which was identified as the Acharya’s birthplace and built a temple there. The shrine was consecrated in 1910.
For a long time the Kanchi mutt refused to accept the findings of Seshadri Iyer, who, incidentally, was a native of Kerala. It claimed that the eighth century Sankaracharya was not Adi Sankara but a later saint of the same name, who too had served as the head of the Kanchi mutt.
However, as Kaladi’s fame as Sankara’s birthplace spread, Kanchi softened its opposition. A few years ago the senior and junior Sankaracharyas of Kanchi visited the Kaladi temple for the first time.
Seshadri Iyer could not put an end to the controversy over Sankara’s end. The Kanchi version, which the Time of India has reproduced in Sunday’s feature, is as follows: “He retired to Kanchi, the Southern Mokshapuri, towards the end of his earthly career and shook off his mortal coils in the sacred city.”
Many of Sankara’s followers, however, believe that the end came when he was at Kedarnath. There is a Samadhi Mandir behind the Kedarnath temple. A statue of Sankara is also installed there. (See picture)
The Kanchi mutt’s desire to push back Sankaracharya’s birth to the fifth century BC and revive its claim of 2,500 years of unbroken lineage is understandable. Commercial rather than spiritual considerations seem to have persuaded the Times group to join the fraudulent exercise.
Sankaracharya’s major contribution was to accord primacy to the Upanishadic concepts. However, the followers of the Vedic tradition used his teachings to reinforce their position.
The popular belief that Sankaracharya revived Hinduism and unified the country deserves close scrutiny. The term ‘Hindu’ does not figure in the writings attributed to him.
Also, facts do not support the view that his work strengthened the national fabric. The reappearance of caste divisions in the wake of the decline of Buddhism and the resurgence of Vedic thoughts weakened the country, making it possible for foreign invaders to establish themselves as the rulers.
The Times of India group has just brought out a ‘coffee table book’ (the description is the newspaper’s own) titled “The Holy Sankara Mutt”. In a report from Chennai, the paper says the book puts together “the proud lineage of the Kanchi Mutt and its 70 Acharyas, starting from Adi Sankaracharya’s setting up of the Mutt in 482 BC”.
This date is mentioned also in a feature, which appeared in the newspaper’s Chennai edition on Sunday, under the headline “Unbroken Lineage of 2500 Years” The paper has described the feature as “a spiritual connect initiative”.
The claim that the Kanchi mutt was established 2,500 years ago is one that even the mutt authorities have not pressed seriously for nearly a century. Clearly the newspaper group has taken upon itself the task of helping the mutt to revive a myth which was laid to rest towards the end of the 19th century.
According to history books, Sankaracharya lived from 788 to 820 AD. How could he have established a mutt in 482 BC?
The short answer to the question is that the Times group has produced the coffee table book by drawing fabricated material in the mutt’s archives. The material includes the names and dates of 70 sanyasins who are said to have presided over the mutt since 482 BC.
What little we know of the life of the philosopher, who is credited with having restored the glory of Hinduism which had been eclipsed by Buddhism, is based on accounts contained in a Sanskrit work, Sankara Vijayam, which got embellished as it passed from one generation to another.
At least two versions of this work with conflicting details were in circulation. According to the version promoted by the Kanchi mutt, Sankara was a Tamil Brahmin, born in the present state of Tamil Nadu.
The Kanchi mutt’s claim that it was established by Sankara is a disputed one. According to most authorities, he established four peeths in the four corners of the country—Sringeri in the south, Dwarka in the west, Puri in the east and Joshimath (Uttarkhand) in the north.
There was intense rivalry between the Sringeri mutt and the Kanchi mutt. In late 19th century, the Sringeri mutt, located in Mysore, requested the state’s maharaja to help resolve the controversies over when and where Adi Sankara was born. The maharaja asked the Dewan, Seshadri Iyer, to look into the matter.
After examining literature on the subject with the help of scholars, Seshadri Iyer said that Sankaracharya was a Kerala Brahmin, born at Kaladi in 788 AD. Historians accepted this date.
With the help of the maharajahs of Mysore and Travancore, the Sringeri mutt took over the place at Kaladi, which was identified as the Acharya’s birthplace and built a temple there. The shrine was consecrated in 1910.
For a long time the Kanchi mutt refused to accept the findings of Seshadri Iyer, who, incidentally, was a native of Kerala. It claimed that the eighth century Sankaracharya was not Adi Sankara but a later saint of the same name, who too had served as the head of the Kanchi mutt.
However, as Kaladi’s fame as Sankara’s birthplace spread, Kanchi softened its opposition. A few years ago the senior and junior Sankaracharyas of Kanchi visited the Kaladi temple for the first time.
Seshadri Iyer could not put an end to the controversy over Sankara’s end. The Kanchi version, which the Time of India has reproduced in Sunday’s feature, is as follows: “He retired to Kanchi, the Southern Mokshapuri, towards the end of his earthly career and shook off his mortal coils in the sacred city.”
Many of Sankara’s followers, however, believe that the end came when he was at Kedarnath. There is a Samadhi Mandir behind the Kedarnath temple. A statue of Sankara is also installed there. (See picture)The Kanchi mutt’s desire to push back Sankaracharya’s birth to the fifth century BC and revive its claim of 2,500 years of unbroken lineage is understandable. Commercial rather than spiritual considerations seem to have persuaded the Times group to join the fraudulent exercise.
Sankaracharya’s major contribution was to accord primacy to the Upanishadic concepts. However, the followers of the Vedic tradition used his teachings to reinforce their position.
The popular belief that Sankaracharya revived Hinduism and unified the country deserves close scrutiny. The term ‘Hindu’ does not figure in the writings attributed to him.
Also, facts do not support the view that his work strengthened the national fabric. The reappearance of caste divisions in the wake of the decline of Buddhism and the resurgence of Vedic thoughts weakened the country, making it possible for foreign invaders to establish themselves as the rulers.
02 September, 2009
Show trials: cases of Aung San Suu Kyi and J.S. Tissainayagam
The following is a statement issued by the Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong:
The recent case against Aung San Suu Kyi by the Burmese junta is internationally well known. The case and the verdict were condemned all over the world as one more demonstration of a completely fake trial merely orchestrated to silence Burma’s opposition leader. She has already been under house arrest for two decades. Aung San Suu Kyi was charged with violating the rules relating to detention. The court sentenced her to five years of rigorous imprisonment. Within hours the Burmese junta, which was aware of the tremendous adverse impact of their decision throughout the world, reduced the sentence to 18 months of detention in her own home. The sole exercise of the trial was to give a semblance of legality and legitimacy for further imprisonment of this lady in a way so that she could not participate in any events relating to proposed elections in the country.
J.S. Tissainayagam’s case from Sri Lanka, though not as well known as Aung San Suu Kyi case, is also quite well known internationally. The arrest, detention and the trial against this man, a well known journalist and a human rights activist, received the attention of many governments. The American president, Barrack Obama himself mentioned this case as an example of the repression of journalists throughout the world. All leading media organizations worldwide condemned the arrest, detention and trial and repeatedly called on the government for Tissainayagam’s unconditional release.
Tissainayagam was charged with aiding and abetting terrorism and instigating racial violence by writing a few lines in an article which referred to the armed conflict then taking place in the north. Tissainayagam, who had been a veteran journalist and a human rights activist, had over a long period of time reported matters regarding internal conflicts in the south as well as the north and east. In the late eighties he helped the incumbent president of Sri Lanka, who was then an opposition Member of Parliament, by preparing and translating documents relating to disappearances and other atrocities in the south. There was nothing in the alleged document on which he was prosecuted, to indicate any attempt to instigate violence or promote racial hatred. There are thousands of pieces of writing of many persons who have written about the armed conflict from different perspectives and Tissainayagam’s writing was no different to any of these.
As a Tamil, it was quite natural for him to write about the problems of the Tamils in the same way as others have written about the problems of their groups. Tissainayagam was singled out for arrest, detention and prosecution solely for the purpose of intimidating other journalists and newspaper editors from publishing materials relating to the war. Several other journalists were exposed to serious dangers and some fled the country during this time.
Like the case of Aung San Suu Kyi, the case of Tissainayagam had no real grounds on which to base a criminal charge. In both cases the charges were fabricated. The charges were based on special regulations and not on the normal laws of the country. These regulations themselves were made in order to give enormous powers of harassment over dissidents and anyone who holds any form of opinion that is opposed to that of the regime in power.
Where the charges themselves are not valid there cannot be a fair trial. The issue before the court in both cases was to decide on the legality and the validity of the charges in the first instant. Both courts proceeded on the basis of these bloated charges and found the two persons guilty.
The transformation of independent courts into those that merely carry out the wishes of the executive has taken a long period of time in both countries. And now, in both countries there is the possibility of having show trials.
The Sri Lankan court sentenced Tissinaiyagam to 20 years. Previously the Sri Lankan Supreme Court has, over and over again asserted the right of citizens for freedom of expression and publication. The court has also held the rights of citizens to criticize the existing government. However, the High Court trying a case based on special regulations under anti-terrorism laws has completely altered the democratic tradition which previously existed.
Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone further and in a communiqué issued by it stated that criticism of the judgment in the Tissainayagam case is a slur on the independence of the judiciary in the country. However, this case, like that of Aung San Suu Kyi’s demonstrates that the independence of the judiciary in both countries has suffered serious setbacks.
It is therefore fitting that J.S. Tissainayagam has been named as the first winner of the Peter Mackler Award for Courageous and Ethical Journalism. This award should bring to global notice the manner in which courts can be manipulated for the purpose of suppressing freedom of expression and publication.
The recent case against Aung San Suu Kyi by the Burmese junta is internationally well known. The case and the verdict were condemned all over the world as one more demonstration of a completely fake trial merely orchestrated to silence Burma’s opposition leader. She has already been under house arrest for two decades. Aung San Suu Kyi was charged with violating the rules relating to detention. The court sentenced her to five years of rigorous imprisonment. Within hours the Burmese junta, which was aware of the tremendous adverse impact of their decision throughout the world, reduced the sentence to 18 months of detention in her own home. The sole exercise of the trial was to give a semblance of legality and legitimacy for further imprisonment of this lady in a way so that she could not participate in any events relating to proposed elections in the country.
J.S. Tissainayagam’s case from Sri Lanka, though not as well known as Aung San Suu Kyi case, is also quite well known internationally. The arrest, detention and the trial against this man, a well known journalist and a human rights activist, received the attention of many governments. The American president, Barrack Obama himself mentioned this case as an example of the repression of journalists throughout the world. All leading media organizations worldwide condemned the arrest, detention and trial and repeatedly called on the government for Tissainayagam’s unconditional release.
Tissainayagam was charged with aiding and abetting terrorism and instigating racial violence by writing a few lines in an article which referred to the armed conflict then taking place in the north. Tissainayagam, who had been a veteran journalist and a human rights activist, had over a long period of time reported matters regarding internal conflicts in the south as well as the north and east. In the late eighties he helped the incumbent president of Sri Lanka, who was then an opposition Member of Parliament, by preparing and translating documents relating to disappearances and other atrocities in the south. There was nothing in the alleged document on which he was prosecuted, to indicate any attempt to instigate violence or promote racial hatred. There are thousands of pieces of writing of many persons who have written about the armed conflict from different perspectives and Tissainayagam’s writing was no different to any of these.
As a Tamil, it was quite natural for him to write about the problems of the Tamils in the same way as others have written about the problems of their groups. Tissainayagam was singled out for arrest, detention and prosecution solely for the purpose of intimidating other journalists and newspaper editors from publishing materials relating to the war. Several other journalists were exposed to serious dangers and some fled the country during this time.
Like the case of Aung San Suu Kyi, the case of Tissainayagam had no real grounds on which to base a criminal charge. In both cases the charges were fabricated. The charges were based on special regulations and not on the normal laws of the country. These regulations themselves were made in order to give enormous powers of harassment over dissidents and anyone who holds any form of opinion that is opposed to that of the regime in power.
Where the charges themselves are not valid there cannot be a fair trial. The issue before the court in both cases was to decide on the legality and the validity of the charges in the first instant. Both courts proceeded on the basis of these bloated charges and found the two persons guilty.
The transformation of independent courts into those that merely carry out the wishes of the executive has taken a long period of time in both countries. And now, in both countries there is the possibility of having show trials.
The Sri Lankan court sentenced Tissinaiyagam to 20 years. Previously the Sri Lankan Supreme Court has, over and over again asserted the right of citizens for freedom of expression and publication. The court has also held the rights of citizens to criticize the existing government. However, the High Court trying a case based on special regulations under anti-terrorism laws has completely altered the democratic tradition which previously existed.
Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone further and in a communiqué issued by it stated that criticism of the judgment in the Tissainayagam case is a slur on the independence of the judiciary in the country. However, this case, like that of Aung San Suu Kyi’s demonstrates that the independence of the judiciary in both countries has suffered serious setbacks.
It is therefore fitting that J.S. Tissainayagam has been named as the first winner of the Peter Mackler Award for Courageous and Ethical Journalism. This award should bring to global notice the manner in which courts can be manipulated for the purpose of suppressing freedom of expression and publication.
Show trials: cases of Aung San Suu Kyi and J.S. Tissainayagam
The following is a statement issued by the Asian Human Rights Commission, Hong Kong:
The recent case against Aung San Suu Kyi by the Burmese junta is internationally well known. The case and the verdict were condemned all over the world as one more demonstration of a completely fake trial merely orchestrated to silence Burma’s opposition leader. She has already been under house arrest for two decades. Aung San Suu Kyi was charged with violating the rules relating to detention. The court sentenced her to five years of rigorous imprisonment. Within hours the Burmese junta, which was aware of the tremendous adverse impact of their decision throughout the world, reduced the sentence to 18 months of detention in her own home. The sole exercise of the trial was to give a semblance of legality and legitimacy for further imprisonment of this lady in a way so that she could not participate in any events relating to proposed elections in the country.
J.S. Tissainayagam’s case from Sri Lanka, though not as well known as Aung San Suu Kyi case, is also quite well known internationally. The arrest, detention and the trial against this man, a well known journalist and a human rights activist, received the attention of many governments. The American president, Barrack Obama himself mentioned this case as an example of the repression of journalists throughout the world. All leading media organizations worldwide condemned the arrest, detention and trial and repeatedly called on the government for Tissainayagam’s unconditional release.
Tissainayagam was charged with aiding and abetting terrorism and instigating racial violence by writing a few lines in an article which referred to the armed conflict then taking place in the north. Tissainayagam, who had been a veteran journalist and a human rights activist, had over a long period of time reported matters regarding internal conflicts in the south as well as the north and east. In the late eighties he helped the incumbent president of Sri Lanka, who was then an opposition Member of Parliament, by preparing and translating documents relating to disappearances and other atrocities in the south. There was nothing in the alleged document on which he was prosecuted, to indicate any attempt to instigate violence or promote racial hatred. There are thousands of pieces of writing of many persons who have written about the armed conflict from different perspectives and Tissainayagam’s writing was no different to any of these.
As a Tamil, it was quite natural for him to write about the problems of the Tamils in the same way as others have written about the problems of their groups. Tissainayagam was singled out for arrest, detention and prosecution solely for the purpose of intimidating other journalists and newspaper editors from publishing materials relating to the war. Several other journalists were exposed to serious dangers and some fled the country during this time.
Like the case of Aung San Suu Kyi, the case of Tissainayagam had no real grounds on which to base a criminal charge. In both cases the charges were fabricated. The charges were based on special regulations and not on the normal laws of the country. These regulations themselves were made in order to give enormous powers of harassment over dissidents and anyone who holds any form of opinion that is opposed to that of the regime in power.
Where the charges themselves are not valid there cannot be a fair trial. The issue before the court in both cases was to decide on the legality and the validity of the charges in the first instant. Both courts proceeded on the basis of these bloated charges and found the two persons guilty.
The transformation of independent courts into those that merely carry out the wishes of the executive has taken a long period of time in both countries. And now, in both countries there is the possibility of having show trials.
The Sri Lankan court sentenced Tissinaiyagam to 20 years. Previously the Sri Lankan Supreme Court has, over and over again asserted the right of citizens for freedom of expression and publication. The court has also held the rights of citizens to criticize the existing government. However, the High Court trying a case based on special regulations under anti-terrorism laws has completely altered the democratic tradition which previously existed.
Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone further and in a communiqué issued by it stated that criticism of the judgment in the Tissainayagam case is a slur on the independence of the judiciary in the country. However, this case, like that of Aung San Suu Kyi’s demonstrates that the independence of the judiciary in both countries has suffered serious setbacks.
It is therefore fitting that J.S. Tissainayagam has been named as the first winner of the Peter Mackler Award for Courageous and Ethical Journalism. This award should bring to global notice the manner in which courts can be manipulated for the purpose of suppressing freedom of expression and publication.
The recent case against Aung San Suu Kyi by the Burmese junta is internationally well known. The case and the verdict were condemned all over the world as one more demonstration of a completely fake trial merely orchestrated to silence Burma’s opposition leader. She has already been under house arrest for two decades. Aung San Suu Kyi was charged with violating the rules relating to detention. The court sentenced her to five years of rigorous imprisonment. Within hours the Burmese junta, which was aware of the tremendous adverse impact of their decision throughout the world, reduced the sentence to 18 months of detention in her own home. The sole exercise of the trial was to give a semblance of legality and legitimacy for further imprisonment of this lady in a way so that she could not participate in any events relating to proposed elections in the country.
J.S. Tissainayagam’s case from Sri Lanka, though not as well known as Aung San Suu Kyi case, is also quite well known internationally. The arrest, detention and the trial against this man, a well known journalist and a human rights activist, received the attention of many governments. The American president, Barrack Obama himself mentioned this case as an example of the repression of journalists throughout the world. All leading media organizations worldwide condemned the arrest, detention and trial and repeatedly called on the government for Tissainayagam’s unconditional release.
Tissainayagam was charged with aiding and abetting terrorism and instigating racial violence by writing a few lines in an article which referred to the armed conflict then taking place in the north. Tissainayagam, who had been a veteran journalist and a human rights activist, had over a long period of time reported matters regarding internal conflicts in the south as well as the north and east. In the late eighties he helped the incumbent president of Sri Lanka, who was then an opposition Member of Parliament, by preparing and translating documents relating to disappearances and other atrocities in the south. There was nothing in the alleged document on which he was prosecuted, to indicate any attempt to instigate violence or promote racial hatred. There are thousands of pieces of writing of many persons who have written about the armed conflict from different perspectives and Tissainayagam’s writing was no different to any of these.
As a Tamil, it was quite natural for him to write about the problems of the Tamils in the same way as others have written about the problems of their groups. Tissainayagam was singled out for arrest, detention and prosecution solely for the purpose of intimidating other journalists and newspaper editors from publishing materials relating to the war. Several other journalists were exposed to serious dangers and some fled the country during this time.
Like the case of Aung San Suu Kyi, the case of Tissainayagam had no real grounds on which to base a criminal charge. In both cases the charges were fabricated. The charges were based on special regulations and not on the normal laws of the country. These regulations themselves were made in order to give enormous powers of harassment over dissidents and anyone who holds any form of opinion that is opposed to that of the regime in power.
Where the charges themselves are not valid there cannot be a fair trial. The issue before the court in both cases was to decide on the legality and the validity of the charges in the first instant. Both courts proceeded on the basis of these bloated charges and found the two persons guilty.
The transformation of independent courts into those that merely carry out the wishes of the executive has taken a long period of time in both countries. And now, in both countries there is the possibility of having show trials.
The Sri Lankan court sentenced Tissinaiyagam to 20 years. Previously the Sri Lankan Supreme Court has, over and over again asserted the right of citizens for freedom of expression and publication. The court has also held the rights of citizens to criticize the existing government. However, the High Court trying a case based on special regulations under anti-terrorism laws has completely altered the democratic tradition which previously existed.
Sri Lanka’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has gone further and in a communiqué issued by it stated that criticism of the judgment in the Tissainayagam case is a slur on the independence of the judiciary in the country. However, this case, like that of Aung San Suu Kyi’s demonstrates that the independence of the judiciary in both countries has suffered serious setbacks.
It is therefore fitting that J.S. Tissainayagam has been named as the first winner of the Peter Mackler Award for Courageous and Ethical Journalism. This award should bring to global notice the manner in which courts can be manipulated for the purpose of suppressing freedom of expression and publication.
01 September, 2009
Reporters Without Borders condemns jailing of journalist
The following is a statement by Reporters Without Borders condemning the ‘shameful’ 20-year jail sentence given to Sri Lankan Tamil journalist T. S. Tissainayagam (photo on the right) Reporters Without Borders is appalled by the “shameful” 20-year jail sentence which a Colombo high court passed today on journalist J.S. Tissainayagam on charges of supporting terrorism and inciting racial hatred in his articles.
"The imposition of this extremely severe sentence on Tissainayagam suggests that some Sri Lanka judges confuse justice with revenge,” Reporters Without Borders said. “With the help of confessions extracted by force and information that was false or distorted, the court has used an anti-terrorism law that was intended for terrorists, not for journalists and human rights activists."
The press freedom organisation added: “We strongly hope that the appeal process adheres to the facts of the case and the spirit of the law. Meanwhile, until the appeal is heard, we urge the authorities to guarantee this journalist’s physical safety and health, which has deteriorated greatly while in detention.”
Global Media Forum and Reporters Without Borders have chosen to announce today that Tissainayagam will be the first winner of the Peter Mackler Prize, a newly-created award for journalists who display great courage and professional integrity in countries where press freedom is not respected.
The prize will be awarded at a ceremony presided over by Washington Post executive editor Marcus Brauchli at the National Press Club in Washington on 2 October. The award honours the memory of veteran Agence France-Presse reporter and editor Peter Mackler, who died last year.
When a Reporters Without Borders representative met Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapakse last October in Colombo, the president pledged to examine the Tissainayagam case.
Aged 45, Tissainayagam, wrote for the Colombo-based Sunday Times newspaper and edited Outreachsl.com, a website targeted at Sri Lanka’s Tamil population. The charges on which he was convicted include taking money from the Tamil Tiger rebels to fund the website. In fact, Reporters Without Borders established that the site was funded by a German aid project.
Tissainayagam has been detained since 7 March 2008, when he was arrested by the Terrorism Investigation Division. He spent his first five months in detention without any charges being brought against him. Judge repeatedly extended detention orders and rejected requests for his release on bail.
After five months in detention, during which many national and international press freedom organisations appealed for his release, he was suddenly transferred to Colombo’s Magazine prison, which is notorious for the physical mistreatment of Tamil detainees. It was reported at the time that he had been beaten.
During his initial period in detention, Tissainayagam was allowed only sporadic visits by his family and his lawyer and was denied the medicine he needs for tuberculosis and infections linked to the scabies that he contracted in prison.
Tissainayagam is the first Sri Lankan journalist to be convicted under the anti-terrorism law. In fact, he is one of the few journalists anywhere in the world to be accused of terrorism because of their reporting.
The origin of the charges against him boils down to two articles published in 2006 in North-Eastern, a magazine he edited that no longer exists. The magazine’s printer, Jasiharan, and his wife are also charged in connection with the case.
Tissainayagam’s family and lawyers have said he will appeal against his conviction.
---------------------
Vincent Brossel
Asia-Pacific Desk
Reporters Without Borders
33 1 44 83 84 70
asia@rsf.org
Following are links to material relating to the case of T.S. Tissainayagam, Sri Lankan Tamil journalist, who has been sentenced to 20 years’ rigorous imprisonment on charges of aiding terrorists, as well as some of his writings. Source: Tamil Nation website
1. Journalist Tissainayagam's Arbitrary Detention - Appeal by Amnesty International
Jasikaren’s wife the previous day. When arrested J. S. Tissainayagam was not ... not fulfilled, J. S. Tissainayagam suffers from ... concern that J. S. Tissainayagam is being
www.tamilnation.org/indictment/media/080404tissainayagam.htm
2. http://www.tamilnation.org/indictment/rape/0202omct.pdf
Leader, 8 April 2001, p. 10; J.S. Tissainayagam, “Rape case will ... p. 10. 66 – J.S. Tissainayagam, “Rape case will ... April 2001. 67 – J.S. Tissainayagam, “Is rape just
www.tamilnation.org/indictment/rape/0202omct.pdf
3. Tamil journalist J.S. Tissainayagam indicted on terrorist charges
Murder of Journalists > Tamil journalist J.S. Tissainayagam indicted on ... Tamil journalist J.S. Tissainayagam indicted on ... ago. "We condemn J.S. Tissainayagam's long detention
www.tamilnation.org/indictment/media/080825tissa.htm
4. Journalist Tissainayagam's detention extended for 90 days, still held without...
Journalists (IFJ) is extremely disturbed by a new 90-day extension of a detention order against journalist J.S. Tissainayagam , who has been held without charge in Sri Lanka since
www.tamilnation.org/indictment/media/080611ifj.htm
5. The Conflict in Sri Lanka: Ground Realities - International Federation of...
Tamils living in the US. J. S. Tissainayagam has a M.A in International ... Wakeley Paul 3. The Strategy of Delay - J. S. Tissainayagam 4. The War Imperative - S Sathananthan 5
www.tamilnation.org/tamileelam/ift/0512groundrealities.htm
6. Joseph Pararajasingham - V6.indd
Strategy of Delay ... 12 By J. S. Tissainayagam The War Imperative ... 22 By S ... Association of Tamils living in the US. J. S. Tissainayagam has a M.A in International Relations
www.tamilnation.org/tamileelam/ift/0512groundrealities.pdf
7. Tamil journalist shot dead by Sri Lanka aligned group
Wilson Gnanadas, news editor; J.S. Tissainayagam; Sunday Times: Anthony David; Shelani de Silva; Faraza Farook; Nilika de Silva; Taniya Fernando; Chris Kamalandran; Dunstan
www.tamilnation.org/indictment/genocide95/gen95158.htm
8. Violence Against Women in Sri Lanka - Report by World Organisation Against...
Leader, 8 April 2001, p. 10; J.S. Tissainayagam, “Rape casankan tamil journaliste will ... p. 10. 66 – J.S. Tissainayagam, “Rape case will ... April 2001. 67 – J.S. Tissainayagam, “Is rape just
www.tamilnation.org/indictment/rape/0211omct.htm
9. Tamilfile jan15.qxd
Implement CFA, or quit Jaffna (J. S. Tissainayagam Northeastern Monthly -January 2006) Ever since the LTTE’s Batticaloa-Amparai commander, Karuna, decided to raise the flag of
www.tamilnation.org/tamileelam/ift/060115tamilfile.pdf
10. Selected Writings - J.S.Tissainayagam
National Forum > Selected Writings - J.S.Tissainayagam> ... Selected Writings - J.S.Tissainayagam, Eelam J. S. Tissainayagam has a ... Tamil journalist J.S. Tissainayagam indicted on
www.tamilnation.org/forum/tissainayagam/index.htm
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